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First published April 2007

Social Justice Educational Leaders and Resistance: Toward a Theory of Social Justice Leadership

Abstract

Purpose : A subgroup of principals—leaders for social justice—guide their schools to transform the culture, curriculum, pedagogical practices, atmosphere, and schoolwide priorities to benefit marginalized students. The purpose of the article is to develop a theory of this social justice educational leadership.Research Design: This empirical study examined the following questions: (a) In what ways are principals enacting social justice in public schools? (b) What resistance do social justice—driven principals face in their justice work? (c) What strategies do principals develop to sustain their ability to enact social justice in light of the resistance they face in public schools?Data Collection and Analysis: A critical, qualitative, positioned-subject approach combined with principles of autoethnography guided the research methods. Seven public school leaders who came to the principalship with a social justice orientation, who make issues of race, class, gender, disability, sexual orientation, and other historically marginalizing factors central to their advocacy, leadership practice, and vision, and who have demonstrated success in making their schools more just, were studied through interviews.Findings:A description of (a) how the principals enacted social justice, (b) the resistance they faced as well as the toll the resistance had on them, and (c) the strategies they developed to sustain their social justice work is provided in detail. Implications for administrator preparation are made at the close of this article.

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1.
1. Fine (1994) further explains that activist research captures at least one of four different strategies: “breaking the silence, denaturalizing what appears so natural, attaching what is to what could be, and engaging in participatory activist research.” This study used a combination of the four strategies Fine described but primarily used the first two.
2.
2. The methodology borrows from the tradition of autoethnography and self-study (Anderson, 1996; Anderson, Herr, & Nehlen, 1994; Anderson & Jones, 2000; Bullough & Pinnegar, 2001; Church, 1995; Cole & Knowles, 2001; Ellis, 1997; Ellis, 2004; Fine, 1994; Graham, 1991; Meneley & Young, 2005; Reed-Danahay, 2001; Tierney, 1998). Autoethnography (Bullough & Pinnegar, 2001;Cole & Knowles, 2001; Ellis, 1997; Ellis, 2004; Meneley &Young, 2005; Reed-Danahay, 2001; Tierney, 1998), autobiography (Church, 1995; Graham, 1991), and reflective practitioners research (Anderson, 1996; Anderson et al., 1994; Anderson & Jones, 2000) are growing in their acceptance and use as modes of inquiry. In fact, the Self-Study Special Interest Group of the American Educational Research Association is one of the largest special interest groups of the association (Bullough & Pinnegar, 2001).
3.
3. In studying social justice leaders, I coded and analyzed the data using the three guiding research questions as a starting place. The deductive analysis (Erickson, 1986; Graue & Walsh, 1997; Strauss & Corbin, 1998) began with selective coding, which Strauss and Corbin describe as “the process of integrating and refining theory” (p. 143). The deductive or selective codes mirrored the three forms of resistance in the conceptual framework. Deductively, I coded the data according to (a) the ways principals enacted social justice, (b) the resistance the principals faced, and (c) the strategies the principals developed. From there I used axial coding, which is “the process of relating categories to subcategories” (Strauss & Corbin, p. 230), to further my analysis of the three forms of resistance. Additionally, I used two additional deductive codes: the principals' background and the influences on their understanding and calling to enact social justice. The inductive analysis began with open coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) of information the principals shared that did not fit into the deductive codes. Again, I used axial coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) to delve deeper into data that did not fit the initial framework. For example, the toll the resistance had on these leaders that is discussed later in the findings did not fit into the deductive codes. I began by open coding this toll but refined that analysis through the use of axial codes.
4.
4. I kept a field log and use a tape recorder to ensure the reliability of the information. The interviews were transcribed and coded. Seven principals were studied to provide me with multiple sources of information supporting the validity of the data. I developed themes only when I could triangulate them across the experiences of at least 3 principals. These procedures fit Crowson's (1993) description of triangulation of data as “the use of multiple sources of data” (p. 188). Clarifying and revisiting ideas with the principals was an attempt to gain a deeper understanding of who they are and what they do. Providing my understanding to them of what they said and sharing my analytical thoughts and even transcripts from our interviews made opportunity for ongoing discussion, checking, rechecking, and listening. Glesne (1999) refers to this as member checks. I brought the principals together for a group meeting at the conclusion of the study to review and discuss my work. This provided my analysis with their important insight about this group of leaders and the research process. These essential pieces of my methodology maintain the importance of the individual participants and their insights and views in the ongoing work of the study. Giving attention to the principals' backgrounds and beliefs as well as my own assumption and convictions was essential to this study and to maintaining trustworthiness; Eisenhart and Howe (1992) characterize this as an “alertness to and coherence of prior knowledge” (p. 62). This reflective component about the participants' perceptions, beliefs, and worldviews was essential to the critical theory underpinnings of this study.
5.
5. The principals were selected for the study based on the following four criteria. The principals (a) led a public school; (b) possessed a belief that promoting social justice is a driving force behind what brought them to their leadership position; (c) made issues of race, class, gender, disability, sexual orientation, and other historically marginalizing factors central to their advocacy, leadership practice, and vision; and (d) had evidence to show that their work had produced a more just school.
6.
6. Whereas I see this as a limitation of the study and an area for future research, it also demonstrates that social justice and equity work is not and should not be limited to leaders of color.
7.
7. The principals provided anecdotal data as well as scores and charts from state and local testing. The state test data were verified through their state educational agency.
8.
8. Because of the sensitive nature of these types of resistance, to further protect the principals' anonymity I will not use even their pseudonyms in this section but only refer to individual leaders as one principal.

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Article first published: April 2007
Issue published: April 2007

Keywords

  1. social justice
  2. leadership
  3. equity
  4. principals
  5. resistance

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George Theoharis
Syracuse University, 150 Huntington Hall, Syracuse, NY 13244, [email protected]

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