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Abstract
This article focuses on the perceptions and experiences of education of two female adult members of the Gypsy and Traveller community and one female adult member of the settled community who works closely with Travellers. Narrative interviews were conducted in England in 2016, to gain some understanding of the factors contributing to the persistently relatively low educational outcomes of Travellers. Data were analysed in accordance with the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). Findings suggest that traditional cultural aspects of the Traveller community strongly influence attitudes to education and whether formal education is accessed. Whilst there are indications that negative perceptions of formal schooling have been entrenched in the Traveller community, this research found that attitudes to education may be slowly changing, particularly with younger generations. This largely stems from a recognition of the need for a level of formal education and qualifications owing to changes in the availability of traditional forms of employment for Travellers. Nonetheless, it emerged that deeply rooted negative views about formal schooling remain, particularly with regard to the perceived dangers and safety concerns associated with secondary schools. There are far-reaching implications for school leaders. Pivotal to this is a need for schools to be fully inclusive to ensure that the cultural needs of Gypsies and Travellers are met, particularly since the Traveller Education Service (TES) has been vastly reduced. For this to be possible, educators, school leaders and governors require a deeper understanding of the culture of the Gypsy and Traveller community, which should inform proactively inclusive policies, procedures and practices in formal educational settings. This might encourage more Travellers to engage with and remain in formal education, at primary and secondary school and beyond, and could also help foster positive relationships with local communities.
The way Travelling life is at the minute it is very hard to live the life that you want to live, so you have no choice but to get an education and to get a proper job. (Vicky, a member of the Gypsy and Traveller community)
Introduction
Terminology
Whilst some individuals prefer to be called ‘Gypsy’, ‘Traveller’, ‘New Traveller’,1 ‘Bargee’2 or ‘Showman’3 (Foster and Walker, 2009), the main terms used in this article are ‘Gypsy and Traveller community’, ‘Traveller community’, ‘Gypsy’ and ‘Traveller’. Individuals who are not Travellers are referred to as the ‘settled community’. It is hoped that all individuals find this acceptable.
Background and context
It is estimated that there are 200,000–300,000 Gypsies and Travellers in the UK (Traveller Space (n.d.), cited in Cornwall Council (n.d.)), and approximately 100,000 are nomadic4 (Freeman, 2009).
The 2011 Census for England and Wales was the first time that individuals could identify as ‘Gypsy or Irish Traveller’, and 58,000 selected this option (Office for National Statistics (ONS), 2014). The 2011 Census found that there were stark differences in the outcomes of Travellers compared to the averages for England and Wales:
For Gypsy or Irish Travellers aged 16 or over, 60 per cent held no qualifications, compared to a figure of 23 per cent for those living in England and Wales.
47 per cent of Gypsy or Irish Travellers were economically active, compared to 63 per cent of those in England and Wales (ONS, 2014).
Alongside these figures, it is useful to consider information in a report by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (2016a), which highlighted a widening gap in attainment between white children and Gypsy and Roma Traveller children. Additionally, Traveller children had a much higher exclusion rate than non-Travellers, and it was found that Travellers had a greater risk of being stigmatized, despite Gypsies and Travellers having protection under the Equality Act (2010: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2016b).
In light of this, and with a focus for school leaders on so-called ‘hard to reach’ families (Campbell, 2011), it is pertinent to consider the relatively low educational outcomes of the Gypsy and Traveller community.
In this study, the research questions were:
What do members of the Gypsy and Traveller community perceive to be the factors that influence the extent to which they access formal education?
To what extent do they consider attitudes to education in the Gypsy and Traveller community have changed, or are changing, over time?
What do they perceive to be the impact of literacy levels on their lives?
Methodology
This qualitative study used a narrative research approach, which was highly appropriate for research with Travellers as marginalized members of society (Squire et al., 2014). The narrative enquiry enabled participants to tell their stories (Davies and Hughes, 2014) and reflect on their lived experiences. Interviews with open-ended questioning allowed the research questions to be addressed whilst providing a platform for emergent themes. The interviews were semi-structured and each lasted for approximately 1 hour.
Verbatim quotes are included in this article. These provide examples of the rich data that were captured, support the discussion points and add validity to the research.
Sampling and recruitment
The participants were recruited through ‘purposive sampling’ (Robson, 2011). A possible limitation of the study was that all participants were women. Nonetheless, participants referred to male family members, giving some insight into male perceptions. Given the possible cautious feelings of Travellers towards the settled community (Myers et al., 2010), I was conscious that I would need to acknowledge and work within the parameters of what was possible at the time of the study.
The participants’ names have been changed to protect their identities, and any information that could make them identifiable has not been included in this article (see Table 1).
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Table 1. Participants in the study.
Data analysis
Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) informed my approach to analysis, which involved examining ‘how people make sense of their major life experiences’ (Smith et al., 2012: 1).
The data analysis comprised a five-stage process, adapted from the stages set out by Smith et al. (2012), and enabled the researcher to both reflect on participants’ lived experiences and to consider how participants made sense of events in their lives. The stages included the interview transcriptions being analysed in an iterative process through descriptive, linguistic and conceptual lenses. Themes were identified both within individuals’ narrative accounts and mapped across participants.
As this was a relatively small-scale study, IPA was deemed suitable. Between three and six participants can be appropriate for IPA (Smith et al., 2012).
Key findings (see Table 2)
Theoretical framework
This study found that there are a number of factors that affect the way that education is perceived by the Travelling community and the decisions that Gypsy women make regarding education (see Figure 1). These factors are listed below in order of importance in terms of their influence, and are then discussed in more detail:
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Table 2. Overview of key findings.
Cultural factors: attitudes to education, gender, role of the media, perceptions, racial prejudice.
Individual / personal factors: accountability / blame, ambition, generational differences, impact of low literacy on individuals.
Macro-level factors: societal factors including changes in employment, Government policies, the law.
Local-level factors: accommodation issues, school admissions policies.
Discussion
Cultural factors
All participants’ narratives showed that traditional Traveller culture has a key influence on daily life, including whether formal education is accessed.
Education
Neither of the two Traveller participants gained any qualifications when at school. This is not surprising considering the 2011 census statistics, which showed that the number of Gypsy and Irish Travellers with no qualifications was nearly three times greater than for all those in England and Wales (ONS, 2014).
The 2011 census showed that younger Travellers are more likely to have qualifications than older generations of Travellers (ONS, 2014). Whilst this could suggest that attitudes are changing in the Traveller community, the trend for 16–24 year olds to have more qualifications than older generations is also reflected in the figures for England and Wales as a whole (ONS, 2014).
The Plowden Report (1967, cited in Okely, 1993: 160), referred to Gypsy children as ‘probably the most severely deprived children in the country. Most of them do not even go to school and the potential abilities of those who do are stunted.’
Whilst this report could be considered dated, it resonates strongly with Vicky’s account of her experience. Vicky seemed to want explanations and to apportion blame regarding her lack of schooling. She wrestled with her feelings of ‘being a divvy’ and ‘not listening’, yet she was verbally articulate. However, Vicky has now recognized her academic potential and is attending college. It appears that her sister, who has graduated from university, has inspired her.
However, Alison commented that Vicky’s sister, who married a non-Traveller and whose children attend school, has gone against Traveller culture, and this has been poorly received by their parents. This suggests that generational differences regarding the perceived importance of formal education continue to exist in the Traveller community.
Mary referred to the lack of expectation that she would attend school. She recognized that she herself had a different approach to other Travellers, having ensured that her children went to school. Mary wanted them to have the freedom to make choices as an adult, suggesting that she felt she was denied this.
Consequently, she has accessed education as an adult learner, in order to progress in her chosen field. Mary referred to a comment her son made: ‘I done the gorgio5 thing for you (school) now I want to do the Traveller thing.’ This suggests that he perceived education as inconsistent with his Traveller identity and that he said he had attended school ‘for you’. Conversely, Mary said that she has made education fit in with her culture.
Vicky recounted her secondary school experiences, which included Travellers being taught in a separate room from other pupils, racial prejudice, and her non-conformance to school rules. Lewin (1952, cited in Derrington, 2007: 358) identified such ‘push’ factors which influenced school attendance.
Referring to her own behaviour at school, Vicky said that ‘some would call it bullying, we would say we were sticking up for ourselves’. This is a ‘fight’ coping strategy, with a refusal to conform (Derrington, 2007). Vicky also referred to the challenge of spanning two cultures, which echoed findings of Foster and Norton (2012) and Freeman (2009).
Vicky referred to her daughter who has questioned why, unlike her cousins, she attends primary school. Vicky is undecided about her daughter’s secondary schooling because of the perceived safety concerns and ‘bad influences’ of the settled community. Such ‘pull’ factors of peer pressure and safety concerns resonate with Lewin (1952, cited in Derrington, 2007: 358).
Findings from this study suggest that Travellers remain largely uninterested in a secondary school education, and Alison said ‘only a sprinkling go’. Despite a recognition that a level of education may be needed, deep-rooted assumptions about secondary education appear nonetheless to affect secondary school attendance. This has resulted in a persistent disengagement of large numbers of Traveller and Gypsy Roma children from learning by the age of 16 (Derrington, 2007; Foster and Norton, 2012).
Alison gave the perceived threats implicit in Sex Education and Physical Education lessons as reasons why secondary education may not be accessed, echoing Myers et al.’s (2010) research. Alison said ‘anything to do with sex education they withdraw the children from school…another subject they hate is PE. They will not change in front of people.’
This study found that Traveller parents perceive primary schools as relatively safe, which resonates with Foster and Norton’s (2012) findings. Alison said that she found it ‘sad’ that, owing to their low literacy levels, parents would perceive that their children could read, when they were in fact only reading basic words.
Gender
The prevalence of traditional gender roles in the Travelling community was highlighted by all participants in this research. Alison said, ‘Still parents feel that boys should go to work with their fathers, the girls should stay at home and learn to cook.’ Whilst this echoes previous research (Foster and Walker, 2009), Alison commented that this may not be a woman’s preference, despite the significant respect and status that is given to those raising a family (Foster and Walker, 2009). Vicky said that she does not want to be at home all day when her children are all attending school, which gives some validity to Alison’s viewpoint.
Alison stated that male Travellers are perceived as failing if they are not self-employed, and may resist working for others. Whilst Traveller boys may work with their fathers (Foster and Norton, 2012), Vicky said that her husband does not assume that their son would work for him, owing to the challenges of being self-employed. This stance, coupled with the female participants’ engagement with formal education and career aspirations, suggests a slight shift in attitudes towards traditional gender roles in the Traveller community. This finding is interesting, and would merit further investigation.
Prejudice
Racism towards Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities was described by Sir Trevor Phillips (as Chair of the Commission for Racial Equality) as ‘the last “respectable” form of racism’ (2004, cited in Foster and Norton, 2012: 87).
It was not surprising that this theme emerged in this research, resonating with Jordan (2001), who identified racial prejudice towards Travellers as a significant factor that may impact school attendance. Vicky said that she experienced racial prejudice at school ‘all the time’ and that ‘you would always get the nasty names’. This is despite legal protection, most recently under the Equality Act (2010: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2016b).
Valentine and McDonald’s (2004) study revealed that 64 per cent of their respondents held prejudicial views towards minority groups. This was particularly concerning Travellers, with a prevalence of stereotypical attitudes of Travellers as ‘tax avoiders’ and labels ‘gypos’, ‘tramps’ and ‘dirty’ being used.
In this study, participants’ accounts refuted some myths regarding Travellers. Alison referred to cleanliness for Travellers being significant, and although not evident in this research, Travellers may find gorgios dirty because of their lifestyle (Myths and Truths (n.d.)). Mary and Alison reported that Travellers employ accountants, therefore addressing the ‘tax avoider’ label. In fact, there is no evidence of tax avoidance (Myths and Truths (n.d.); Valentine and McDonald, 2004), but simply that there is a tendency for Traveller wealth to be visible, such as a new car. A Traveller participant in this study referred to this as ‘flashing’.
Alison highlighted a lack of integration, and tension between Travellers and the settled community. The media’s role makes integration between Travellers and the settled community less likely, with sensational headlines, for example in the Mail Online ‘£1 m neighbours from hell: Meet the gipsy family terrorising an entire street’ (Porter, 2009). The media also reports negatively regarding illegal sites, for example ‘Dale Farm traveller site eviction starts with violence’ (BBC, 2011). Additionally, Channel 4’s 2011 My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding series was considered to have reinforced negative stereotypes (Foster and Walker, 2009; Plunkett, 2012).
Individual / personal factors
Blame
Whilst the Traveller participants gave Traveller culture as the main reason for their lack of education, they appeared to make sense of this by apportioning blame for these decisions elsewhere.
Mary did not directly blame anyone for her lack of education but said she would not have taken the decision to cease her primary education. Alison recalled meeting a Traveller woman who, frustrated at her lack of employment, blamed her parents. Furthermore, Alison recounted that a Traveller friend blames Alison for her illiteracy, because she had been ‘too helpful’, undertaking reading and writing tasks on her behalf.
Vicky appeared confused regarding who or what is responsible for her lack of education, wrestling with her conscience whilst trying to make sense of her experiences. Vicky said ‘maybe it was me own fault, but I wish I was pushed a bit more by the state and my parents’. Vicky’s feelings were encapsulated in her comment that she felt ‘a bit cheated and a bit disappointed in myself’.
However, the Traveller participants seemed determined to improve their education levels in their adult years. Vicky now has confidence in herself: ‘I’m learning now so I’m getting there, it’s great’.
Pace of change, generational differences, and impact of low literacy on individuals
The relatively slow pace of change in attitudes towards education in the Travelling community emerged in this study. Mary commented that ‘Gypsy and Travellers are about 50 years behind everybody else’. Generational differences were also found, with Alison commenting that ‘I think the attitude of the teenagers and young adults is changing faster than their parents’. Perhaps this may be because, although Traveller parents accept the need for literacy, they feel this has been forced upon them by gorgios (Myers et al., 2010).
Alison made sense of such generational differences, referring to Facebook as encouraging individuals to engage with text, resulting in attitudes of young adults and teenagers changing faster than their parents. Additionally, the use of technology as an aid with literacy-based tasks emerged as a key coping mechanism. Vicky said ‘I ask Google everything and it sorts it out for you’.
In the UK, one in six individuals experience literacy problems, with their literacy level below what would be expected of an individual aged 11. Significantly, this statistic has remained static since 2003 (Skills for Life Survey, 2011, cited in McCoy, 2013: 3). Unsurprisingly, all participants in this study highlighted the negative impact of low literacy levels, which is consistent with Roman (2004). Low literacy can have a negative financial impact (Dugdale and Clark, 2008) and can affect educational and employment prospects for future generations (McCoy, 2013). Therefore, the findings in this study, which suggest a possible shift in attitudes towards education in the younger generations, are significant, echoing those reported by Le Bas (2014), who recognizes a slight change in attitudes, albeit at an extremely slow pace.
McCoy (2013) discussed a cycle developing whereby children from low-income families have a greater probability of not gaining qualifications. Alison referred to the low income of Vicky’s parents and their negative attitude towards education. Therefore, it seems that the cycle is being broken in this family as Vicky and her sister have career aspirations and are accessing education as mature students. Additionally, they are ensuring that their children attend formal primary schooling as a minimum.
Vicky referred to feelings of embarrassment in social situations, such as form-filling at her doctor’s surgery (see also Moody, 2006). Additionally, Vicky concealed her literacy difficulties from a previous employer (see Roman, 2004).
Macro-level factors
Employment
Changes in traditional employment have impacted attitudes to education. Traditionally, Travellers would take their children to work on the fields, but this has declined with the mechanization of this type of work. Mary reflected on this, saying ‘now people are sending their children to primary school because you can’t take your child out on the field and go to work with them’.
Additionally, there has been a decline in scrap metal prices, and the impact of the Scrap Metal Dealers Act 2013 (legislation.gov.uk, 2013) has caused a domino effect. This, according to Alison, means that Travellers ‘see a huge importance in getting [children] to learn to read and write’. The Traveller participants in this study clearly recognize the need to access education to gain employment. With changes in the economic environment, Travellers now perceive literacy as having greater value (see also Levinson, 2007, cited in Myers et al., 2010: 534).
Government policies and law
Participants referred to the impact of the law, particularly being fined for school non-attendance, which is currently £60 (Gov.uk, 2015). Despite this, Alison recognized that some Travellers find ways to avoid attending school, largely through home schooling. This is a growth area nationally (Jeffreys, 2015). Whilst there is a legal responsibility for parents to guarantee that children gain a full-time education, this can be via Home Schooling (Gov.uk, 2015). However, Alison argued that home schooling is not monitored consistently, with some nomadic Travellers deliberately travelling to avoid scheduled monitoring visits.
Local-level factors
Accommodation
The 2011 census revealed that the majority of ‘Gypsy and Irish Traveller’ respondents live in bricks and mortar accommodation, with 61 per cent living in a house or bungalow and 24 per cent living in a caravan or other mobile or temporary structure (ONS, 2014).
Nomadism can affect school attendance (Foster and Walker, 2009), and whilst the ONS statistics could suggest that there has been a change to a less nomadic lifestyle, this may not be a true reflection as the responses came from 58,000 people (ONS, 2014) of the estimated 200,000–300,000 Gypsies and Travellers in the UK (Traveller Space (n.d.), cited in Cornwall Council (n.d.)). Indeed, accommodation for Travellers is a complex issue, with approximately 20 per cent of non-housed Travellers not having a protected place to live (Foster and Walker, 2009).
A further issue compounding this problem is a 2015 planning law which requires Travellers to provide proof of a nomadic lifestyle in order to reside on permanent sites (Dugan and Green, 2015). This may not only affect school attendance, as Travellers could be forced to move from place to place, but those who cease travelling because of health problems may lose their legal identity as a Gypsy. The Government has been challenged regarding this by The Equalities and Human Rights Commission, as nomadism is not a criterion that defines Gypsies in international law (Dugan and Green, 2015).
Nonetheless, for Travellers living in settled communities it remains unlikely that children will complete their secondary education (Derrington, 2007). This suggests that there are other influential factors regarding whether Travellers access formal secondary education.
Implications for schools and school leaders
Culture and prejudice
Whilst it may be beneficial to embrace Gypsy and Traveller culture in formal school settings, it could be argued that to an extent this is a self-excluded community who perceive the settled community as a threat. Alison also reflected on perceptions of Travellers by the settled community:
So many people are afraid of the Travelling community because they don’t ever go in ones, they always go in mass…and Travellers talk very loud and very quick and so if you don’t know the Travellers you feel, I think some people feel intimidated.
There needs to be a greater awareness of the Traveller culture, to challenge myths and address prejudice in both the settled and the Traveller communities. In schools this could be through Continuing Professional Development (CPD) and Personal Health Social and Economic education (PHSE). Alongside this, the Travelling community needs to be encouraged to be more open to accepting the settled community. There is some evidence of this already through local social enterprise organizations, alongside the increasing number of Travellers marrying outside the community, as reported by Mary.
Education
Schools need to recognize Traveller cultural norms (Foster and Walker, 2009). This was referred to in Alison’s account as a way of engaging Traveller pupils in education. Additionally, school staff and parents need to develop approaches to be more adaptable to different cultures, which could reduce isolation for Travellers at school (Derrington, 2007).
With the settled community and Traveller Community having wary attitudes towards each other, developing a greater awareness of both cultures through initiatives in schools is needed. One such initiative was Gypsy Roma Traveller History Month (GRTHM) which was introduced in 2007, to celebrate Traveller culture (Foster and Norton, 2012), but it appears that an awareness of all cultures in schools may be beneficial, to address all false perceptions that may exist.
When primary and secondary schools liaise for transition of pupils to secondary schools, all those involved need to be aware of the perceived threat that secondary schools present to Travellers, and to seek to reassure concerned parents that their children’s well-being is central.
Work is needed to raise awareness in the Travelling community of the benefits of education and how this can enhance employment opportunities and health. Family literacy initiatives can be beneficial (McNicol and Dalton, 2002), and could help engage Traveller parents.
Accommodation
More permanent legal sites are needed for Travellers. Fixed addresses could positively impact school attendance, and also enable Travellers to access healthcare provision and employment opportunities.
Conclusion
The overriding factors regarding how Travellers perceive education are intrinsically linked to the culture of the Traveller community. Whilst some attitudes for the younger generations appear to be changing, this is at a very slow pace. It could be argued that cultural factors outweigh other aspects, and this has emerged at times as conflicting with individual factors – in particular, the educational and employment aspirations of the Traveller women, and the lack of acceptance of this by older generations.
There are negative perceptions of the settled community by Travellers. These preconceptions are likely to influence the likelihood of Traveller children accessing formal education and continuing to secondary school. Encouraging Travellers to attend formal schooling will thus be likely to remain a challenge. However, Vicky’s insight into Traveller life at present does suggest a possible change in Traveller expectations and lifestyle, with Vicky saying ‘The way Travelling life is at the minute it is very hard to live the life that you want to live, so you have no choice but to get an education and to get a proper job.’
This research found that prejudicial attitudes remain, and that the fostering of tolerance and understanding between the Travelling community and the settled community is needed to enable individuals to live alongside each other without conflict ensuing. Developing an awareness of both cultures would be beneficial, with schools having an integral role to play. However, if there is a lack of engagement in education by Travellers, this may prove challenging.
Additionally, Government policies have resulted in a significant reduction in the Traveller Education Service (TES). An investigation by The Independent, in which 127 authorities responded, reported that nearly 50 per cent had either significantly cut staffing levels or abolished the TES (Doherty, 2011). The Government has argued that grants to support ethnic minorities had been awarded to schools directly, and although this gives head teachers more flexibility, there is no obligation for schools to spend grants on specific services for Travellers (Foster 2011, cited in Doherty, 2011: 1).
The dynamics associated with Travellers’ education are therefore complex. It is hoped that this research has given an insight into the Traveller community and perceptions of education which may account to some extent for relatively low educational outcomes. It has enabled the voices of some members of this marginalized minority group to be heard, and provides a platform for discussion regarding perceptions of education. It is also hoped that if members of society have a greater understanding of the Gypsy and Traveller community, that prejudicial attitudes towards the Travelling community may cease and thereby eliminate ‘the last “respectable” form of racism’ (Sir Trevor Phillips, 2004, cited in Foster and Norton, 2012: 87).
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the three participants for their time and willingness to talk so openly, and Laura Guihen for her guidance on IPA.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1.
A multi-ethnic community that emerged in the 1960s (Foster and Walker, 2009).
2.
People living on boats (Foster and Walker, 2009).
3.
Refers to those working at Fairs (Foster and Walker, 2009).
4.
Moving often from place to place (Oxford Dictionaries Language Matters, 2016).
5.
A word used by Gypsies for a non-Gypsy (Collins, 2016).
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Author biography
Anna RT Smith is a teacher and assessor for students with specific learning difficulties in post-16 education. She is a qualified school teacher, and previously taught in the secondary sector. [Email: annartsmith@gmail.