The available literature on the effects of greenwashing is rather limited. In their overview of the research,
Lyon and Montgomery (2015) concluded that “the field badly needs thorough, careful empirical analysis of the impacts of greenwash, which requires both an ability to identify greenwash clearly and to measure its effects” (p. 243). Relevant literature so far focuses on three themes: the definition, drivers, and effects of greenwashing. We will briefly discuss the research within each theme. As we will explain, all three research themes have consequences for our research focus. After that, we argue that the theoretical perspective of cognitive dissonance is a fruitful starting point for research into the effects of greenwashing. Finally, using the cognitive dissonance framework and earlier research on the effects of greenwashing, we formulate the hypotheses for our study.
Definition of Greenwashing
Research on the definition of greenwashing indicates that the assumption of clear and unambiguous instances of greenwashing, which dominated the greenwashing literature in the past, could be problematic. In early research on greenwashing, the concept was considered to be more or less straightforward. Greenwashing was seen as intentional communicative behavior aimed at deceiving stakeholders. Both
Lauffer (2003) and
Ramus and Montiel (2005), for instance, labeled greenwashing as “corporate disinformation.”
Delmas and Burbano (2011) defined greenwashing as “the act of misleading consumers regarding the environmental practices of organizations (firm-level greenwashing) or the environmental benefits of a product or service (product-level greenwashing)” (p. 66). They characterized greenwashing in terms of organizations combining bad environmental performance with positive claims about their environmental performance (for a similar view, see
Berrone, 2016).
Various authors have problematized this straightforward conception of greenwashing.
Lyon and Montgomery (2015) drew attention to the wide variety of potentially misleading behaviors that fall under the umbrella of greenwashing: “Given our broad conception of greenwash, any [major mechanism of misleading communications] can be a variety of greenwash if applied to environmental communications” (p. 226). The range of potential greenwashing activities, then, is much wider than listings such as
TerraChoice’s (2010) “seven sins of greenwashing” suggest. Several researchers elaborated on the potential broadness of greenwashing.
Waller and Conaway (2011) drew attention to the role of message framing.
Hahn and Lülfs (2014) discussed the way that organizations handle negative environmental events as a potential source of greenwashing, referring to strategies such as marginalization and rationalization.
Parguel, Benoît-Moreau, and Russell (2015) used the term “executional greenwashing” (as opposed to claim greenwashing) to refer to instances in which organizations do not make explicit green statements but instead suggest environmental friendliness by using cues such as imagery.
Livesey (1999) drew attention to the green alliances of companies. Analyzing the Volkswagen scandal from the perspective of a communicative constitution of organizations (CCO),
Siano, Vollero, Conte, and Amabile (2017) argued that greenwashing is not limited to external communication: In the Volkswagen case, “deceptive manipulation” in order to meet emission requirements must also be seen as a form of greenwashing. And
Schmeltz (2014) focused on the extent to which CSR values are integrated into corporate ones, observing that CSR values and corporate values are often separate and might even be conflicting.
Bowen (2014) problematized the intentionality suggested by the original definitions, arguing that greenwashing (a) involves more than just information disclosure, (b) is often not deliberate, (c) is not necessarily initiated by companies, and (d) does not necessarily benefit companies and harm society. These observations are in line with research on the determinants, or drivers, of greenwashing, showing that deliberate deceit is only part of the picture. They are also in line with the notion of “CSR as aspirational talk” (
Chaudhri, 2016;
Christensen, Morsing, & Thyssen, 2013), suggesting that discrepancies between CSR communication and actual behavior might have an aspirational function as a fruitful or even necessary resource for organizational change. Besides, as
Seele and Gatti (2017) argued, greenwashing accusations might be based on unrealistic expectations or miscommunication for which the organization cannot be held responsible. According to
Bowen (2014), greenwashing must be seen as a (hard to delineate) part of a broader range of organizational behaviors that can be characterized as symbolic (vs. substantial) corporate environmentalism.
In all, greenwashing is a broad and multifaceted phenomenon, and intentionally misleading stakeholders is only part of it. Knowing that, however, has limited consequences for research into the effects of greenwashing. As
Seele and Gatti (2017) argued, greenwashing allegations are in the eye of the beholder: They are coconstructions between an organization and external parties.
Shim and Kim (2017), for instance, showed that people’s deontological orientation affects their judgment of corporate hypocrisy. Research into the effects of greenwashing focuses on stakeholders’ reactions to discrepancies between an organization’s environmental communication and its behaviors, regardless of the origins of such discrepancies.
Drivers of Greenwashing
Research on drivers of greenwashing further complicates the notion of clear, unambiguous, and intentional acts of greenwashing in practice.
Delmas and Burbano (2011) proposed a framework with four clusters of variables based on the type of actor: nonmarket external, market external, organizational, and individual psychological drivers.
Lyon and Montgomery (2015) limited their distinction to external environmental versus internal organizational drivers. We will discuss possible determinants from two perspectives: strategic considerations and organizational complexity.
Strategic considerations involve deliberate and concerted efforts of organizations to portray themselves as more environmental friendly than justified. Determinants include pressure or incentives from market and nonmarket actors (e.g., government, investors, and consumers) and the development and maintenance of regulations (
Delmas & Burbano, 2011;
Lyon & Montgomery, 2015;
Wood, 2014). In addition, researchers have drawn attention to societal climate, particularly liberalism and capitalism, as a macro-level factor of importance (
Alves, 2009;
Roulet & Touboul, 2015). In a study on the reporting of greenhouse gas emissions by electric utility companies,
E.-H. Kim and Lyon (2015) confirmed the role of market and nonmarket actors and regulations. They found that times of growth led to an increased attention for stakeholders in the regulatory arena and a resulting tendency toward greenwashing whereas economic deregulation, especially in the case of lower profits, led to an increased attention for shareholders and a resulting tendency toward brownwashing. External scrutiny had a moderating effect on the influence of such strategic factors.
Organizational complexity refers to the less manageable side of environmental behaviors and communication. Specifically, it involves difficulties in aligning the subprocesses of realizing environmentally friendly behavior and communicating about environmental friendliness.
Delmas and Burbano (2011) mentioned ineffective intrafirm communication, bounded rationality, optimistic bias, a focus on short-term successes, and organizational inertia as specific determinants.
Ramus and Montiel (2005) argued that it is easy for organizations to make policy statements but that successfully implementing them is much harder. Taking a similar view,
Christensen et al. (2013) drew attention to the aspirational function of CSR communication. That is, highly ambitious environmental communication might be seen as instrumental for accomplishing environmentally friendly behavior. In analyzing the Volkswagen case,
Siano et al. (2017) also referred to the role of organizational complexity: “The engagement of Volkswagen’s organizational members in sustainability cannot be seen as ‘corporate responsibility in action,’ but as a shallow commitment which might push specific organizational units to be at some extent involved in ‘new’ and immoral organizational practices” (p. 33). A survey by
Blome, Foerstl, and Schleper (2017) drew attention to the role of organizational culture and leadership: Ethical leadership was unrelated to the occurrence of greenwashing whereas obedience to authority had a positive relation with greenwashing.
The growing evidence on the role of organizational complexity in greenwashing practices relativizes the influence of strategic considerations in determining greenwashing to some extent. That does not mean, however, that organizations cannot or should not be held responsible for the veracity of their environmental claims.
Effects of Greenwashing
Research on the effects of greenwashing on consumers and other stakeholders suggests that greenwashing has detrimental effects on people’s image of a brand or organization. But all previous studies have focused on clear, unambiguous, and extreme forms of greenwashing, which might be problematic given the research on the definitions and drivers of greenwashing—and which do not correspond to 99% of the greenwashing cases identified by
TerraChoice (2007,
2009,
2010).
Until now, four types of research can be distinguished: (a) macro-level studies that focus on the relationship between organizations’ greenwashing practices and their overall performance indicators, (b) survey-based studies that focus on the correlation between (perceived) greenwashing practices and consumer attitudes, (c) qualitative studies that explore consumer reactions to greenwashing practices, and (d) experimental studies that compare the effects of greenwashing and nongreenwashing practices.
Macro-level studies suggest that greenwashing does not have positive effects, and might even have negative effects, on organizations’ overall performance. These studies show that environmental performance is either positively related to financial performance indicators (
X. Du, 2015;
Wu & Shen, 2013) or unrelated to financial performance (
Walker & Wan, 2012) whereas greenwashing is either negatively related to financial performance (
X. Du, 2015;
Walker & Wan, 2012) or unrelated to financial performance (
Wu & Shen, 2013).
Berrone, Fosfuri, and Gelabert (2017), who used environmental legitimacy as the dependent variable in their macro-level study, came to similar conclusions: “Especially in the presence of vigilant environmental NGOs, such environmental tactics do not seem to pay off” (p. 376). But it is hard to assume causality based on these macro-level data. It is equally conceivable that financial performance affects organizations’ willingness to implement a far-reaching environmental policy or that another variable, such as leadership, influences both financial and environmental performance.
Survey-based studies invariably have shown that (discovered) greenwashing practices are related to negative attitudes in consumers.
Chen and Chang (2013) found that greenwashing is negatively related to green trust, with green consumer confusion and green perceived risk as partly mediating variables. In a similar study,
Chen et al. (2014) found that greenwashing is negatively related to green word of mouth, with green perceived quality and green satisfaction as mediating variables.
Aji and Sutikno (2015) conducted a more comprehensive study with the four variables used by
Chen and Chang (2013), complementing those variables with perceived consumer skepticism and behavioral (switching) intention. Their results confirmed most of the relations found by Chen and Chang, with the exception of that between green consumer confusion and green trust. Instead, they found that perceived consumer skepticism had a central role as a mediating variable between greenwashing and green trust. In turn, green trust appeared to mediate the effects of greenwashing on behavioral intentions. And
Shim and Kim (2017) found that perceived corporate hypocrisy is related to a reduced intention to share positive views of an organization and an increased intention to share negative views. But the correlational designs do not justify casual interpretations.
The two available qualitative studies provided contradictory results.
Lim et al. (2013) interviewed consumers about products with green claims and analyzed their reactions when they were confronted with the notion of greenwashing. They found that participants had trouble evaluating the actual greenness behind green claims and that a confrontation with greenwashing led to fierce reactions of distrust and cautiousness as well as negative behavioral intentions regarding green products. But
Atkinson and Kim (2014), who conducted a series of focus groups, found that participants frequently used rationalizations to resolve tensions between skepticism and green claims and discrepancies between green intentions and nongreen buying behavior.
Experimental designs were used in four studies. In these studies, participants were confronted with corporate or brand communication including green claims and additional information (provided by a third party) about the actual environmental performance. In these studies, greenwashing appeared to negatively affect consumers’ perceptions of the greenness of an organization, varying between merely reducing the effects of the green claims to backfiring on the organization.
One of the experimental studies had mixed results.
Newell et al. (1998) conducted an experiment into the effects of an advertisement with and without misleading green claims on perceived deception, advertiser credibility, attitude toward the advertisement, attitude toward the brand, and purchase intention. They found significant effects only on perceived deception and advertiser credibility. The advertisement with misleading claims had higher rates on perceived deception and a lower score for advertiser credibility but did not have negative effects on attitudes toward the advertisement and brand and purchase intentions. In a structural equation analysis with perceived deception as the independent variable, however, they found significant negative relationships with the other variables. As such, the study showed that consumers who feel misled by an advertisement think more negatively about the brand and have lower purchase intentions. The results seem to suggest, though, that the relationship between actual greenwashing and perceived deception is not strong, which might be due to a lack of skills in distinguishing true from false claims—as
Lim et al. (2013) found in their study—or the rationalization processes
Atkinson and Kim (2014) mentioned.
The other three experimental studies showed significant effects of greenwashing.
Parguel et al. (2011) investigated how third-party ratings about sustainable performance (good, poor, no rating) affected participants’ interpretation of sustainability on a corporate Web site. They found that poor sustainability ratings had a negative effect on perceived CSR efforts, perceived intrinsic motives, and corporate brand evaluation.
Nyilasy et al. (2014) conducted a 3 × 3 experiment investigating the effects of green performance (high, low, no information) and green advertisements (green, general, no advertisement) on brand attitude and purchase intentions, finding positive effects of green performance and no effects of green advertising. Furthermore, they claimed that greenwashing strengthened the negative effects of a low green performance, but their data do not seem to support that claim. Also, their conclusion about negative effects of greenwashing that could “backfire” is far from substantiated. Finally,
De Jong et al. (2018) conducted a 4 × 2 experiment with environmental strategy (vocal green, silent green, greenwashing, silent brown) and product type (perfume and detergent) as independent variables and perceived environmental performance, perceived integrity, and purchase interest as dependent variables. They found that greenwashing had a moderately positive effect on perceived environmental performance (placing the organization between the green and brown organizations), a negative effect on perceived integrity, and no effect on purchase intention. No differences were found between the two product types.
In all, the previous studies suggest that greenwashing, when discovered, does not pay off although the evidence that it actually has a negative effect on consumers is practically lacking.
We should point out that greenwashing was described in unmistakable terms in the experimental studies. In
Parguel et al. (2011), the company received a sustainability rating of 2 on a 10-point scale, falling “amongst the worst companies in its sector” (p. 21). In
Nyilasy et al. (2014), participants were told that the organization “was responsible for a major environmental catastrophe recently—a large-scale chemical leak in one of their US-based plants” (p. 705). And in
De Jong et al. (2018), all green claims were refuted in the third-party information. These are situations that do not correspond to 99% of the greenwashing cases that
TerraChoice (2007,
2009,
2010) found, which raises the question of what the effects of milder and less conspicuous types of greenwashing would be.
Theoretical Perspective of Cognitive Dissonance
To make sense of consumers’ reactions to greenwashing,
De Jong et al. (2018) proposed the theoretical framework of cognitive dissonance (
Festinger, 1957). This framework is based on the premise that initially believing green claims and being confronted with contradictory third-party information will result in a state of cognitive dissonance and a desire to restore the balance between the two conflicting pieces of information. Theoretically, resolving the dissonance can be done in three ways: by rejecting the third-party information that criticizes the organization’s environmental performance, by rejecting the environmental claims of the organization, and by seeking an intermediate position that acknowledges the organization’s green intentions but rejects the environmental claims that are disputed. Other studies on consumers and environmental friendliness show that people indeed might take various strategies to resolve dissonance (
McDonald, Oates, Thyne, Timmis, & Carlile, 2015;
Tanford & Montgomery, 2015).
The first two options assume that one of the parties involved is deliberately lying whereas the third option assumes that the situation is characterized by ambiguity. For people to recognize something as a lie, they must believe that it is an intentional deception (
Turri & Turri, 2015). The majority of the instances of greenwashing, however, will involve ambiguous situations, as is demonstrated in recent literature on the definition and the drivers of greenwashing.
Seele and Gatti (2017) drew attention to the importance of the accusation element in identifying greenwashing: “Greenwashing only exists in the combination of misleading CSR communication with an accusation from a third party” (p. 248). Only when a reliable accuser makes the case for intentional, structural, and substantial use of greenwashing practices will consumers likely punish the organization for its false claims. In all other cases, reconciliation would be more plausible. The claims refuted by third-party information might, for instance, be part of a larger environmental policy. Or the mere fact that an organization communicates about its environmentally friendly behaviors could be seen as a sign that the organization at least has good intentions, which relates to
Atkinson and Kim’s (2014) finding that participants used rationalization strategies to resolve their dissonance.
The discovery of corporate greenwashing, then, does not necessarily lead to repercussions for the organization, but it minimizes any positive effects of environmental communication. This conclusion is supported by the findings from experimental studies by
Parguel et al. (2011) and
De Jong et al. (2018) and the results (but not the conclusions) of
Nyilasy et al.’s (2014) study.
Research Hypotheses
Based on prior studies and the cognitive dissonance perspective, we formulated hypotheses for our study. We would expect that true environmentally friendly behavior would lead to a better reputation than would instances of greenwashing. Many studies show that green behavior has positive effects on the attitudes of stakeholders (
Aguinis & Glavas, 2012;
S. Du et al., 2010;
Smith & Langford, 2009;
Torres et al., 2012), but the aforementioned studies on the effects of greenwashing show that such positive effects disappear in the case of greenwashing. Macro-level research focusing on the relationship between the environmental behavior and the financial performance of companies suggests similar tendencies (
Berrone et al., 2017;
X. Du, 2015;
Walker & Wan, 2012;
Wu & Shen, 2013). We therefore formulated the following two hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1: Green organizations generate higher scores on reputation than do organizations guilty of behavioral-claim greenwashing.
Hypothesis 2: Organizations that have initiated environmentally friendly behaviors themselves generate higher scores on reputation than do organizations guilty of motive greenwashing.
Considering the differences in environmental consequences between behavioral-claim greenwashing and motive greenwashing, we expected that each type of greenwashing would have a different effect on corporate reputation. Behavioral-claim greenwashing implies that the organization does not (entirely) demonstrate the environmental behaviors it claims whereas motive greenwashing implies that only the organization’s reasons behind its behaviors differ from what it communicates. From a consequentialist perspective, truthfulness of green behavior would be more important than truthfulness of motives. Because earlier research shows that people can accept some degree of self-interest in CSR activities as long as they also see intrinsic motives (
De Vries, Terwel, Ellemers, & Daamen, 2015), we expected that taking credit for following legal obligations would have less negative effects than would telling lies or half-lies about environmental behaviors. Thus, we developed the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 3: Behavioral-claim greenwashing has a larger negative effect on reputation than does motive greenwashing.
Based on the cognitive dissonance framework, which assumes that even in clear cases of greenwashing (see
De Jong et al., 2018;
Nyilasy et al., 2014;
Parguel et al., 2011), people would still perceive that the green communication at least reflects a company’s overall disposition to behave environmentally friendly, we expected no differences between the two levels of behavioral-claim greenwashing (lies and half-lies). From this perspective, the difference between lies and half-lies is only gradual: Both are not true, and in both cases, the organization might still be perceived to have the aspiration to care for the environment. We thus formulated the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 4: Organizations guilty of partial behavioral-claim greenwashing (telling half-lies) generate similar scores on reputation as do organizations guilty of full behavioral-claim greenwashing (telling lies).