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Research article
First published June 1999

Citizen's Evaluations of Participatory Democratic Procedures: Normative Theory Meets Empirical Science

Abstract

Participatory democratic theorists claim that citizens would be transformed if they participated more directly in decision-making. These theorists, however, disagree about how participatory opportunities ought to be structured. In an attempt to integrate normative political theory and empirical political science, I examined one possible benefit of citizen participation: collective decision acceptance. Models of participation offered by Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Stuart Mill are incompatible with contemporary participatory democracy, but Marsiglio of Padua offers a persuasive argument connecting participation and collective decision acceptance. In three experiments, I compared citizen's collective decision acceptance, individual assumption reevaluation, and group satisfaction for two different participatory structures -liberal and strong democratic procedures. Citizen's short-term perceptions were influenced most by their majority or minority status; with extended participation, however, the participatory structures significantly affected citizen's evaluations of the participatory process. Contrary to expectations, the liberal democratic group scored higher on all three measures. I theorize that participatory opportunities should occur frequently, across a variety of issues, and should be structured so that citizens do not feel personally attacked in the decision-making process.

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1 Scholars have linked Marsiglio's work to Rousseau's participatory politics. For the various interpretations of Marsiglio see Condren 1977: 206 and Gewirth 1951: 3-6.
2 The text of the referendum was constructed by slightly altering the recently approved California Proposition 215. Since the generative procedures are based upon an open agenda, they were not limited to approving or amending the proposition itself.
3 The material was composed of the actual arguments for and against the proposition in the California election pamphlet. The arguments were only altered by changing the names and organizations represented in the pamphlet so that they reflected a national referendum.
4 They even discussed the possibilities of taking attendance, dropping an exam score, and having student graded evaluations of class participation.
5 As with experiments one and two, this group is unimportant for this research because participants did not make a decision, and thus, I did not measure their levels of collective decision acceptance.
6 In creating the survey, a technical error reversed the five-point so that 1 represented strongly agree and 5 represented strongly disagree. To correct for this, responses were reverse coded.
7 I am grateful to Mark Warren for the insights that directed my thinking in these areas. Any shortcomings, of course, are my own. I give this tentative hypothesis in the spirit of this study's attempt to connect normative political theory and empirical political science. From theory I generated testable hypotheses, which I then subjected to empirical verification. From the results of these tests and my own observations, I generated new theories that researchers can test in the future.

References

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Article first published: June 1999
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Michael E. Morrell
Arizona State University

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