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Abstract
Kuwaiti students intending to major in mass communication face a long process that begins in high school. A survey of students at Kuwait University examined whether the process led to disillusionment of the mass communication field and/or mass communication education. Findings show that all respondents viewed the field of journalism positively. Respondents also viewed journalism education in a positive light. Students majoring or minoring in journalism differed from majors in other disciplines in several ways: They were more likely to be female and younger, and were more likely to agree with statements that mass communication is a good field for women, journalists make a good living, the field is highly respected, and friends would support their decision to major in mass communication. This is a significant finding because it demonstrates that mass communications is considered a safe industry for women even when the role of women in the public sphere does not have many decades of precedent. The results also suggest that the more active the students were in selecting a major, the more positive they felt about mass communications education. Students who had published works or internship experience were more likely to declare a major in mass communications. All students agreed that their education increased their appreciation for the field of mass communications. These findings demonstrate that journalism education can be beneficial even in nations where the media system is not completely free.
In the United States, students who are motivated to pursue a major or minor in mass communications are able to select that option in an institution of higher education. While students’ academic performance influences their ability to major in mass communications, there are many other factors that may support one’s motivation to pick such a major—such as the First Amendment.
Journalism education in Kuwait is unique in several ways. First, Kuwaiti’s press is partly free, and there are documented restrictions on certain kinds of expression. Second, prospective journalists go through a lengthy process that begins in high school, which is before a student may realize the value of a degree in mass communications. Finally, despite media law reforms in 2006 allowing for the creation of privately owned newspapers, most journalists are not Kuwaiti nationals and journalism has a notorious reputation (Onyebadi & Alajmi, 2016).
We examined students’ motivation to pursue a degree in mass communications by conducting a survey of students at Kuwait’s oldest and most established university: Kuwait University. The purpose of the survey1 was to identify factors that may serve as an incentive for students to declare a major or minor in mass communications, as well as obstacles they may face. A questionnaire was distributed and data were collected from 426 students enrolled in mass communications courses. Students were asked about their perceptions of their education, their professional goals, and their perception of potential problems they may face in the media industry, and those who declared a major or minor were asked about their decision to major or minor in mass communications
The obstacles and incentives that journalists face in developing nations are rather distinct (Musa & Domatob, 2007). While studies of Arab journalism have shown that the profession is viewed as a tool for improving daily life (Pintak & Ginges, 2008), others have suggested that journalism education does not provide sufficient preparation for the obstacles journalists would face (Amin, 2002). Therefore, the current study examines the effectiveness of journalism education in producing future journalists and identifies the appeal of mass communications to Kuwaiti students, where the media model focuses on development and the press system is only partially free.
Theoretical Framework
Journalism plays an influential role in improving the quality of life of citizens of developing countries, and in advocating for policy that would lead to a peaceful society (Musa & Domatob, 2007). As recently as 2006 Kuwait’s media law has been reformed to, among other things, allow more opportunities for the licensing of private newspapers and decrease the government’s ability to shut down a newspaper’s operation (Selvik, 2011). Since 2006, the number of daily newspapers in Kuwait tripled (Selvik, 2011).
Despite such reforms, the reputation of the media industry is tarnished by old Arabic saying, such as journalism is the profession for those who have no profession. In fact, Kuwaitis make a distinction between a sahafi (journalist) and an ’ilami (media practitioner). The former comes from the word for newspapers, suhuf, which is the root for the singular word for a page, safha.
Historically, journalists in Kuwait were foreign nationals. When Kuwaiti nationals were interested in contributing to newspapers, they did so by writing columns to provide analysis and social commentary (Alfraih, 1999). This pattern continued until the liberation of Kuwait from Iraq in 1991 when the deregulation by Kuwait’s Ministry of Information resulted in the licensing of more than 240 magazines and newspapers (Alfraih, 1999).
This innovation is characteristic of Kuwaiti society, politics, and media. Kuwait has a historical tradition of diversity with a large expatriate community and a sizable religious minority (“Kuwait. The World Fact Book,” 2013). In fact, Kuwait’s “cantankerous parliament” is effective in advocating for the people (Ottaway, 2011, p. 3), and its members and constituents have included women since 2005. Kuwait is the only Arab Gulf state with a partly free press according to Freedom House (2014), an organization that ranks the freedom of the press internationally. Furthermore, the Oxford Internet Institute (Graham, Stephens, & Hale, 2013) showed that Kuwait has a high number of tweets per Internet user, and that it produces more tweets than larger nations.
Nevertheless, Kuwaiti journalists are criticized for the degree to which they are influenced by the social environment even when it contradicts professional ethics (Onyebadi & Alajmi, 2016). Although freedom of expression is emphasized in all Arab constitutions (Hafez, 2002), Amin (2002) argues that the political culture of the Arab world set journalists up for failure by providing “low salaries, a lack of adequate legal protection, excessive bureaucracy, and administrative constraints” leave journalists “vulnerable” (p. 127). Arab media scholars refrain from criticizing Arab values and national traditions even when it can contribute to public debate (Lynch, 2006), and admit that journalism education program fails to prepare students for the challenges they will face (Amin, 2002)—including the disempowerment of women media professionals (Dashti & Mesbah, 2016) and the absence of the freedom to express all political opinions (Duffy, 2014).
What, then, would motivate Kuwaiti students to major in mass communications? Prior research documents the needs of mass communication students to take pride in their accomplishments, relate to others with similar interests, and have an influence on others (Muturi, An, & Mwangi, 2013). Our study will describe the demographics of students who major in journalism while exploring the effectiveness of a Kuwaiti public, educational institution in producing students willing to enter the media industry, despite the social, financial, legal, and ethical obstacles they face relative to U.S. students.
Hypotheses
Given the unusual nature state of journalism and mass communication in Kuwait, the purpose of the current study is to examine students’ motivations to study journalism in Kuwait and to identify factors impacting students’ decision to major in mass communication.
Our research question is as follows:
R1: How do Kuwaiti students majoring in a mass communication discipline differ from students majoring in other disciplines?
We test five hypotheses dealing with Kuwaiti students’ decisions to major or minor in mass communications:
H1: Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on demographic variables, such as sex, age, citizenship, and father’s education level.
Because cultural norms in Kuwait encourage living with extended family, families will likely have an impact on the major selection. Because there are many challenges facing those who embark on a career in mass communications, students who come from more educated families may receive discouragement for selecting such a major or minor. However, students who come from families that are not as educated may be more concerned that their child is working toward the completion of a degree rather than the major. Therefore, we seek to explore how the demographic variables and students’ intention to choose mass communications as a major or minor correlate.
H2: Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on students’ goals prior to beginning journalism education.
Mass communications students will demonstrate an early commitment to the field.
H3: Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on students’ experience.
The Arab uprisings demonstrated just how widely used social media are in the Middle East. While not every Arab who uses social media is a journalist, the opposite is also true. It is logical to assume that experience through internships or through the use of social media may make the mass communications field appear more popular to students.
H4: Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend inversely on the potential problems that may be social, economic, legal, or political.
Students who foresee many future problems with the mass communication field will likely avoid these problems by majoring in other disciplines.
H5: Students’ perception of their decision to major in mass communications is positively related to their perception of the quality of their education.
Students majoring in mass communication likely will view the field more positively if they view their educational preparation as positive.
Method
Kuwait University (2013) is the oldest, public education institution in Kuwait. The Department of Mass Communication sits in the College of Arts, and it offers four specializations: journalism, radio and television, public relations, and advertising.
To be eligible for being a student in the mass communications department, students must have chosen a high school major focusing on the humanities rather than science. At Kuwait University, a high school student who majored in the humanities can never be an engineering major at Kuwait University, although they are required to take two natural sciences courses to graduate with a mass communication degree. The next determinant of a students’ college major is his or her grade point average.
Survey data were collected from Kuwait University. A quota sampling technique was employed to accurately represent students who enroll in courses in the Department of Mass Communications. An estimated 850 students are pursuing a major or minor in mass communications. Thus, our questionnaire was forwarded to instructors who teach courses that frequently include the three groups represented in our sample: students who (intend to) major in mass communication (N = 93, 20.0%), students who (intend to) minor in mass communications (N = 125, 28.0%), and students who are enrolled in a mass communications course but do not intend to major or minor in the discipline (N = 191, 42.8%).
A total of 446 respondents took part in the study. Of those, 426 completed the survey. The majority of the respondents were Kuwaiti citizens (83.4%) and the mean age was 20.46 years with a standard deviation of 1.44 years. More than half of the students who answered the gender question were female (55.8%, N = 249).
Items on the questionnaire included statements on student goals, education, and experiences, and are shown in the appendix. Students also were asked to respond to statements using a 5-point Likert-type scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree. These Likert-type scales have been used often in mass communications research (see Babbie, 2013) and are often used as interval data, making Pearson’s correlation and logistic regression appropriate tests.
Results
The appendix lists mean scores and standard deviations for each of the survey items. A higher mean would indicate a more negative response. A mean of 3.0 would be neither positive nor negative.
Generally, students reported that they were motivated to work in the mass communications field and felt there were opportunities available to them due to the 2006 law that increased the privatization of the media. Furthermore, students disagreed with statements suggesting that working in the media industry is shameful or dishonorable. Rather, students voiced strong agreement that the journalism field is highly respected in Kuwait. Furthermore, their responses indicated that the field is suitable for women.
Next, respondents were asked about their motivations to earn a journalism education. Students reported favorable feelings toward their journalism education, agreeing that their appreciation for mass communications and communication skills improved.
When asked about how they decided on mass communications as their major or minor, students responded that they made this decision on their own. The results indicate that they chose to study what is important to them and relied on their social support and finally salary considerations, respectively. This question was not asked of students majoring in other disciplines.
When asked about their commitment to the mass communication field, students reported an intention to enter the mass communication field and support from their parents. Students pursuing a specialization in mass communication disagreed with statements about experiencing regrets about their education.
Hypotheses Results
The first hypothesis stated, “Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on demographic variables, such as sex, age, citizenship, and father’s education level.”
The demographics for each of these variables appear in Table 1. Then, a logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine how demographic variables determine students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications. Predictors that were entered into the regression model were sex, age groups, father’s education level, Kuwaiti citizenship, and the importance of making one’s parents proud.
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Table 1. Frequency of Demographic Variables by Student Status.
Age groups consisted of six groups: There was one group for students aged 18, 19, 20, 21, and 22. Finally, there was a group for students aged 23 or above. Sex consisted of two categories: male and female. Father’s level of education included six categories: less than a high school diploma, high school diploma, some college, bachelor’s degree, master’s degree, and doctorate. Citizenship was reported as either being a Kuwaiti citizen or a non-Kuwaiti citizen. The degree to which it is important for a student to make his or her parents proud was measured on a 5-point Likert-type scale.
As Table 2 indicates, the analysis showed that the data fit the model fairly (−2 log likelihood = 493.880), and the overall model was significant in distinguishing people who major or minor in mass communications versus those who do not, χ2(5) = 42.489, p < .001. The model accurately classified 76.5% of the students who do or do not intend to major or minor in mass communications.
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Table 2. Results of Logistical Regression.
Among the five predictors entered into the model, only sex (B = −1.406, p < .001) and age group (B = −0.817, p < .001) were significant. The odds of having students (intending to) major or minor in mass communications increased by a factor of 0.442 as students’ age increased (Exp(B) = 0.442) and increased by a factor of 0.245 if the students were female.
The second hypothesis stated, “Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on students’ goal prior to beginning journalism education.”
A logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine how students’ professional goals classify people who do or do not (intend to) major or minor in mass communications. Predictors that were entered into the regression model included measurements to which students agreed that their ideal job to be in mass communications, their desire to work in mass communications preceded their university experience, their role models include media professionals, and their professional opportunities increased by a 2006 media law reform that privatized media.
The analysis showed that the data fit the model fairly (−2 log likelihood = 489.707) and the overall model was significant in distinguishing students who (intend to) major or minor in mass communications and those who do not, χ2(4) = 100.516, p < .001. The model accurately classified 72.3% of the people into groups of students who do or do not intend to major or minor in mass communications.
Among the four predictors entered into the model, three were significant. These three were considering one’s ideal job to be in mass communication, having always wished for a job in mass communications, and the belief that the privatization of media created career opportunities in the media. Table 3 shows that the odds of students majoring or minoring in mass communications increased by a factor of 1.843 as they considered their ideal job to be in mass communications (Exp(B) = 1.843), by a factor of 1.401 if they have considered their ideal job to be in mass communications before their college career (Exp(B) = 1.401), and by a factor of 1.282 if the students believed that the privatization of media in 2006 created career opportunities for them (Exp(B) = 1.282).
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Table 3. Results of Logistical Regression.
The third hypothesis stated, “Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend on students’ experience.”
A logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine how students’ professional experiences classify people who do or do not (intend to) major or minor in mass communications. The analysis in Table 4 showed that the data fit the model fairly (−2 log likelihood = 530.572), and the overall model was significant in distinguishing students who (intend to) major or minor in mass communications and those who do not, χ2(11) = 50.900, p < .001. The model accurately classified 64.8% of the people into groups of students who do or do not intend to major or minor in mass communications.
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Table 4. Results of Logistical Regression.
Of all the predictors in the model, only two were significant. These were experience gained in internships and in part-time jobs in mass communication. The odds of students majoring or minoring in mass communications increased by a factor of 1.270 if students had a mass communications internship (Exp(B) = 1.270) and a factor of 0.384 if students had a mass communications part-time job (Exp(B) = 0.384).
The fourth hypothesis stated, “Students’ intention to major or minor in mass communications will depend inversely on the potential problems that may be social, economic, or political.”
A logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine how perceived potential problems classify people who do or do not (intend to) major or minor in mass communications. Predictors that were entered into the regression model are shown in Table 4. All these predictors were measured on a 5-point Likert-type scale.
The analysis showed that the data fit the model fairly (−2 log likelihood = 516.417) and the overall model was significant in distinguishing students who (intend to) major or minor in mass communications and those who do not, χ2(10) = 60.610, p < .001. The model accurately classified 68.3% of the people into groups of students who do or do not intend to major or minor in mass communications.
Of all the predictors in the model, four were significant. These four were the ability to earn a good living, the degree to which mass communications is a good field for women, the degree to which mass communications is a respected field, and the degree to which friends would support a career in mass communications. Table 5 summarizes the odds of students majoring or minoring in mass communications as they relate to various factors.
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Table 5. Results of Logistical Regression.
The fifth hypothesis stated, “Students’ perception of their decision to major in mass communications is positively related to their perception of the quality of their education.”
A series of Pearson’s correlations, shown in Table 6, were computed to examine the associations between students’ motivation to acquire a journalism education and factors influencing their decision to major or minor in mass communication. The results are shown in Table 5. Several correlations were statistically significant.
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Table 6. Pearson’s Correlation: Education Versus Decision.
Discussion
This study examined Kuwaiti students’ motivation to enroll in mass communications courses and the factors that were associated with their decision to major or minor in mass communications. Several trends emerged.
First, all students, regardless of major, viewed mass communications as a highly respected field. They felt that their family and friends would support their chosen field, and that they would make a good living in the field. This is consistent with Musa and Domatob’s (2007) perspective that journalism in developing nations is considered a tool for improving the quality of life. This is also consistent with Pintak and Ginges’ (2008) finding that Arab journalists view the media’s function as a facilitator of public education and advocate of civic engagement.
Second, students were motivated to acquire a mass communication education. They especially felt that they were improving their communication skills through their coursework. On the surface, this seems to be in conflict with Amin’s (2002) findings that suggest journalism education does not prepare journalists well for the obstacles of their careers. One possible explanation is that Arab mass communication educators adopt a “theory-heavy approach to teaching” even if they do not contribute a considerable amount of primary research analyzing local data (Melki, 2009, p. 682).
However, it is important to note that those who majored or minored in mass communications were more likely to have internships and part-time journalistic jobs than were other majors. This is an interesting trend because it may indicate that Kuwaiti journalism students are gaining experiential learning, which can help them adequately prepare for the obstacles of their field. In the United States “journalism has lagged somewhat behind” disciplines such as engineering and business in providing international and experiential learning opportunities (Steeves, 2005, p. 361). Yet, data gathered from Kuwait show that journalism is ahead of other disciplines in providing opportunities for experiential learning, which allow student journalists “to appreciate the challenges of professional work in a variety of real-life contexts” (Simon & Saap, 2006, p. 134).
Mass communication majors and minors also differed with other majors on several perceptions about problems in the field. Generally, the mass communication students were more likely to agree with statements that mass communication is a good field for women, journalists make a good living, the field is highly respected, and friends would support their decision to major in mass communication. This is consistent with Onyebadi and Alajmi’s (2016) suggestion that “personal economic hardship” may not affect Kuwaiti journalists to the same extent that it may affect journalists in other developing nations. Rather, “Kuwaiti journalism is entangled” in cultural practices that may contradict professional ethics (Onyebadi & Alajmi, 2016, p. 14)—such as the practice of giving and accepting gifts (Sobh & Belk, 2011).
Experiential learning also allows journalism students to adjust to operating in an environment where other cultural practices, such as censorship and self-censorship, impact professional standards.
The results supported the concept that students are motivated to self-actualize by achieving accomplishments and affiliating with others with similar interests (Muturi et al., 2013). Students who reported making their own decision reported feeling more prepared for their career, improving their communication skills, appreciating mass communications more, and talking about topics outside the classroom. Those seeking a minor or major in mass communication did not differ in having journalistic role models and were more likely to agree that journalism is their ideal job.
Overall, then, it appears that students majoring or minoring in mass communication are more motivated to work in the field and have an optimistic outlook toward it. This optimism is especially significant because the data were collected at a time when legislation about increasing limitations of media freedoms was being debated (Human Rights Watch, 2013). Future researchers should examine the impact of such policy and public debate on the attitude of journalism students in Kuwait. Furthermore, future researchers might consider collecting data about students’ motivation to study journalism prior to their selection of a high school major, which is a common practice in the region (Pavlik, Laufer, Burns, & Ataya, 2012).
Demographic differences between majors and minors in mass communications also emerged. First, younger students were more likely to major or minor in mass communications. This finding might be explained by the rapid changes in technology available to the average Arab citizen, as LeVine’s (2008) suggestion that Arab society is in a state of fluctuation because it contains more people below the age of 35 than in any other age group.
Second, female students were more likely to major or minor in mass communications. This is inconsistent with much scholarship from Kuwait and the Arab world that suggests women are often hesitant to participate in the public sphere (Dashti & Mesbah, 2016; LeVine, 2008). However, changing gender roles in the digital age (Dashti, Al-Abdullah, & Johar, 2015) and the ability of students to gain practice and theoretical knowledge to overcome difficulties can explain this trend.
Despite what may appear as impediments to media professionals in the region, students nevertheless see value in the mass communications major in Kuwait. This finding is important because it suggests that there are motivations to major in mass communications that require further understanding. Some of these reasons may deal with culture, the social environment, the evolving role of Kuwaiti women in the public sphere, and the fact that skills acquired in mass communications courses have multiple applications. Future researchers should explore the cultural factors that contribute to the enthusiasm of Kuwaiti students majoring in mass communications.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1.
Ethical approval was provided from the University of Florida’s Institutional Review Board (protocol number: 2012-U-1274). In accordance to the guidelines of this institution, a local authority approved the study.
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Author Biography
Mariam F. Alkazemi, PhD, is an assistant professor of mass communication at Gulf University for Science and Technology in Kuwait. Her interests include censorship, and the effects of media on religion. Her research appears in Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism and Journal of Media and Religion.
Eisa Al Nashmi, PhD, is an assistant professor in the Department of Mass Communication at Kuwait University. His intersts include online journalism and social media. His research appears in International Communication Gazette and Digital Journalism.
Wayne Wanta, PhD, is a University of Florida Research Foundation professor at the Department of Journalism. A former president of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Dr. Wanta has written several award-winning works—including the National Communication Association Research Excellence Award for an outstanding book in 2014.