II The status of research into language learning strategies
Research into LLS has gone through a number of phases since the publication of the first studies of good language learners over four decades ago (e.g.
Rubin, 1975;
Stern, 1975). Nowhere is this evolution better visible than in the definitions of LLS proposed over the years as, on the one hand, they provide insights into the key features of the construct and, on the other, they shed light on its theoretical underpinnings. Although an exhaustive analysis of all such definitions is not feasible in this article, it is instructive to offer a brief look at those most influential that have to a large extent shaped empirical investigations of LLS undertaken to date. Early on
Oxford (1989, p. 235) defined learning strategies as ‘behaviors or actions which learners use to make language learning more successful, self-directed and enjoyable’. A year later she offered an expanded characterization of strategies as ‘specific actions taken by the learner to make learning easier, faster, more enjoyable, more self-directed and more transferable to new situations’ (
Oxford, 1990, p. 8). While these two definitions are not grounded in a particular theory, they stress the fact that LLS originate with the learner and enhance his or her autonomy, they can be manifested on a number of levels, and they are used with the purpose of facilitating the mastery of the target language (TL).
Oxford (1990, pp. 9–14) also listed the prototypical-definitional features of strategies, the most important of which are problem-orientedness, involvement of all the resources of the learner (i.e. cognitive, emotional and social), their direct and indirect impact on the learning process, consciousness, flexibility, teachability and dependence on a wide range of factors (e.g. personality, learning style, culture). A major contribution to the field was made by
O’Malley and Chamot (1990, p. 1), who, like
Macaro (2003) over a decade later, emphasized the cognitive aspect of LLS use by defining them as ‘special thoughts and behaviors that individuals use to help them comprehend, learn or retain new information’, convincingly accounting for their role in terms of
Anderson’s (1983) adaptive control of thought theory. The definition of LLS was subsequently fine-tuned by many scholars, who paid more attention to learners’ awareness and the fact that LLS foster the processes of both language learning and use.
Okada, Oxford and Abo (1996, p. 107), for example, argued that LLS enhance the learning process by fostering noticing, storage and retrieval of aspects of the
TL. Cohen (1998, p. 4), in turn, described LLS as ‘learning processes which are consciously selected by the learner’. It is these conceptualizations that laid the groundwork for the influential classifications of strategies. These were put forward by
Oxford (1990), who divided LLS into direct and indirect,
O’Malley and Chamot (1990), who distinguished between metacognitive, cognitive and socioaffective strategies, or
Cohen and Dörnyei (2002), who strove to reconcile the two taxonomies. A number of tools were also constructed to allow researchers to tap into the employment of LLS, with
Oxford’s (1990) Strategy Inventory for Language Learning (SILL) being the most frequently used till the present day.
It is against this backdrop that arguments against strategies and the empirical investigations into their use began to emerge. Problems with LLS were highlighted in the 1980s and 1990s by
Ellis (1986,
1994),
Stevick (1990) and
Rees-Miller (1993). They revolved, among other things, around the difficulty in defining the unit of analysis and level of abstractness (e.g. tactic vs. strategy), transferability between contexts and individuals, questions about the value of LLS use, or ad hoc and imprecise nature of existing classifications (see
Grenfell & Macaro, 2007). However, the most scathing criticisms began to be formulated with the onset of the new millennium by Dörnyei and colleagues (e.g.
Dörnyei, 2005;
Dörnyei & Skehan, 2003), who went as far as to cast doubt on the existence of LLS as a psychological construct and to suggest that the term ‘strategy’ should be abandoned in favor of the more inclusive concept of ‘self-regulation’. Specifically, the theoretical basis of the construct has been called into question, with claims being advanced that strategies cannot be simultaneously cognitive, emotional and behavioral, and that they are unlikely to contribute at the same time to the development of linguistic knowledge and development of TL skills. Questions have also been raised about the feasibility of drawing a distinction between strategic learning and ordinary learning on account of the fact that such attributes as goal-orientedness, intentionality, effortfulness or self-directedness apply in equal measure to ‘
hard and focused learning in general’ (
Dörnyei, 2005, p. 164). If this is indeed the case, a question arises as to the extent to which the use of strategies is conscious, as some well-practiced learning procedures can occur below the threshold of consciousness. There have also been concerns about instruments used to gauge LLS, in particular the SILL, which was criticized for the inclusion of behavioral items, reliance on the belief that higher frequency of strategy use accounts for effective learning, and the assumption that the scales it comprises are cumulative. In effect, attempts have been made to develop an alternative approach to the assessment of LLS, such that would be grounded in the concept of self-regulation and comprise items that ‘tap into general learner traits rather than survey specific behavioral habits’ (
Dörnyei & Ryan, 2015, p. 159). This stance is reflected in the
Self-Regulating Capacity in Vocabulary Learning Scale (SRCvoc), constructed by
Tseng, Dörnyei and Schmitt (2006).
Some of these criticisms can be quite easily refuted, because even the simple strategy of note-taking which is overtly behavioral, inevitably involves cognitive operations and may constitute an emotional response to a learning event, such as failure on a test. It is also reasonable to assume that taking notes can contribute to the enhancement of both L2 knowledge (e.g. vocabulary) but also to the growth of L2 skills (e.g. subsequent use of specific words in writing and speaking). Other critiques are at best open to discussion, an issue that will be elaborated on later. Nevertheless, many of the problems mentioned above are warranted, which has prompted LLS experts to further develop the construct and to seek new theoretical perspectives within which it could be considered. For example, there have been quite successful attempts to amend the definition to illuminate the fact that adept use of strategies is inherently involved in achieving self-regulation (e.g.
Thomas & Rose, 2019). As a result, the need to operationalize the strategy concept and to obtain insights into strategic learning is by no means obviated but, rather, new lines of inquiry should be identified and new research approaches should be embraced. The necessity of seeing strategies as an inherent aspect of self-regulatory capacity lies at the heart of
Oxford’s (2011,
2017) model of strategic self-regulation (S
2R), which brings together the concepts of self-regulation, agency, motivation, emotions, growth mindsets and positivity. It has long been recognized that the effectiveness of strategy use hinges upon contextual (e.g. the task in hand) and individual (e.g. personality, proficiency) factors (
Ehrman, Leaver, & Oxford, 2003;
McDonough, 1999), and that LLS can serve diverse functions depending on the unpredictable combination of these factors (e.g.
Cohen, 1996;
Oxford, 1990). However,
Oxford (2017) has recently made an attempt to revolutionize the field by accounting for LLS use within the theory of complex dynamic systems (CDST) (
Larsen-Freeman, 2016;
Larsen-Freeman & Cameron, 2008), thus adhering to recent trends in the study of motivation (e.g.
Dörnyei, MacIntyre, & Henry, 2015; see
Csizér, 2017). If this theoretical stance were to be accepted, it would have far-reaching implications for future research. Since within the CDST framework strategies need to be regarded as complex processes performing multiple and flexible roles,
Oxford (2017) argues that clear-cut categories included in leading classifications or the instruments developed on their basis cannot give justice to how LLS operate and contribute to the mastery of the TL.
Drawing on content analyses of 33 definitions of learning strategies, 27 taken from the field of L2 learning and 6 from outside this field,
Oxford (2017, p. 48) proposed a novel and, as she insists, encompassing definition of LLS, intended to invite consensus among LLS experts and SLA specialists. The definition is as follows:
L2 learning strategies are complex, dynamic thoughts and actions, selected and used by learners with some degree of consciousness in specific contexts in order to regulate multiple aspects of themselves (such as cognitive, emotional, and social) for the purpose of (a) accomplishing language tasks; (b) improving language performance or use; and/or (c) enhancing long-term proficiency. Strategies are mentally guided but may also have physical and therefore observable manifestations. Learners often use strategies flexibly and creatively; combine them in various ways, such as strategy clusters or strategy chains; and orchestrate them to meet learning needs. Strategies are teachable, but the learner in context is the ultimate authority regarding strategy choice. Appropriateness of strategies depends on multiple personal and contextual factors.
An undeniable strength of this definition is that it mentions all the key features of LLS and to some extent addresses many of the contentious issues mentioned earlier. Moreover, it can be easily modified to become applicable to strategy use with respect to TL skills and subsystems, such as grammar, vocabulary, reading or listening. However, it remains to be seen whether and to what degree such a complex definition stands a chance of being adopted as a universal point of reference in view of the fact that viable contenders exist. One of them is the most recent definition by
Griffiths (2018, p. 88), according to which LLS are no more than ‘actions chosen by learners for the purpose of language learning’. There are good grounds to assume that this concise, straightforward and quite easily applicable definition is more likely to appeal to researchers and teachers alike.
While the steps taken to reinvent LLS research are commendable and have the potential to move the field forward, there are a few general points that should be made in defense of empirical investigations into learning strategies and the methods that have been employed for this purpose. In addition to the published criticisms, extreme opinions are sometimes expressed in conference talks, personal communications or paper reviews that LLS have gone out of fashion, research into strategic learning has exploited its possibilities and its findings have little to offer to teachers or learners. While it is undeniable that the search for new directions and approaches is urgently needed, it is difficult to accept the assertion that LLS should no longer be talked about and examined for a number of reasons.
First, the hundreds, if not thousands, of conceptual and empirical papers have led to considerable, even if sometimes clearly insufficient, advances in our understanding of the actions and thoughts learners engage in when confronting the challenges of L2 learning. These include, among other things, the identification, description and classification of LLS, both in general and with respect to TL subsystems and skills, important insights into the intricate relationship between strategy use and attainment, factors mediating the employment of LLS, or the efficacy of strategies-based instruction (SBI) (
Cohen, 2011;
Cohen & Griffiths, 2015;
Grenfell & Macaro, 2007;
Griffiths, 2013,
2018,
2019;
Griffiths & Oxford, 2014;
Oxford, 2011;
Plonsky, 2011;
Pawlak, 2011;
Takeuchi, Griffiths, & Coyle, 2007). Moreover, some researchers have heeded appeals for a more situated approach to LLS research (e.g.
Cohen & Wang, 2018;
Ma & Oxford, 2016;
Oxford, Lavine, & Amerstorfer, 2018;
Pawlak, 2018a,
2018b), even if such efforts are still in their infancy, in particular in the case of specific learning tasks. Additionally, many tools measuring LLS use have been developed, including general surveys (e.g. the SILL) and specific inventories (e.g.
Metacognitive Awareness of Reading Strategies Inventory; Gu, 2018). Although the use of such instruments may be controversial (e.g. reliance on rigid categories, cumulative scales, neglect of specific contexts), there is abundant evidence for their reliability and they have been instrumental in providing huge amounts of valuable data (
Griffiths, 2018;
White, Schramm, & Chamot, 2007). A valid question that must be posed is whether we can afford to ignore this impressive body of empirical evidence, pretending that it does not exist and that it has no relevance for L2 pedagogy. In fact, the value of researching LLS is recognized not only by leading experts in this area but also by scholars who are not directly involved in it and even its critics. On one side of the divide,
Grenfell and Macaro (2007, p. 26) comment that ‘Dörnyei may be setting up a straw man in order to knock him down’.
Gu (2012, p. 330) argues, in turn, that replacing the concept of learning strategies with the construct of self-regulation ‘is not a healthy sign, because the definition quibble is going beyond the advancement of knowledge in delineating conceptual boundaries, and because teachers and learners on the ground are not getting the practical guidance needed from the experts’. Somewhere in the middle, Rose cautions against ‘throwing language learning strategies out with the bathwater’
Rose (2012, p. 92) and argues that the shift to self-regulation ‘is not incompatible with language learning strategies’ (2012, p. 97). On the other side, appreciating the vitality of the field,
Dörnyei and Ryan (2015, p. 141) comment that ‘the question of learning strategies is an area that continues to demand our attention and compels us to offer a considered re-examination.’
Second, it is difficult not to take issue with the argument that such a productive line of inquiry has simply fallen out of favor and thus researchers should set their sights on other areas, such, one could surmise, that are currently more fashionable. But should such rationale really constitute the main reason why we conduct empirical investigations in the first place? Or, rather, should researchers’ endeavors be primarily guided by the potential that a given field holds for enhancing our understanding of SLA and informing L2 instruction? It is logical to assume that the latter should be the case and that it is not passing fads but the perceived utility of research that should dictate the choice of issues that we elect to investigate. Clearly, there are topics in research on ID factors that are enjoying more popularity than others, with motivation (e.g.
Csizér, 2017), willingness to communicate (e.g.
Mystkowska-Wiertelak & Pawlak, 2017), emotions (e.g.
Piniel & Albert, 2018), positive psychology (e.g.
Mercer & MacIntyre, 2014) or working memory (e.g.
Wen, 2016) being among those topping the ranking. With absolutely no intention to discredit any of these lines of inquiry, one might question whether, say, detecting fluctuations in motivational intensity or identifying learners’ emotions in regard to TL skills are likely to aid our understanding of L2 learning and effective TL instruction to a greater extent than revealing patterns of strategy use. In fact, it could reasonably be argued that the study of LLS, if conducted properly, may be equally informative and likely much more relevant to everyday concerns of practitioners than, for example, insights into the link between working memory and different ways of responding to errors (
Pawlak, 2017). This is surely ample reason to persist in our efforts to discover how learners use LLS to enhance their TL proficiency and to uncover how the use of most effective strategic devices should be fostered.
Third, although recent efforts to apply new approaches to the study of LLS, such as those inspired by CDST, should be applauded, it would be injudicious to completely renounce traditional procedures of data collection and analysis. It is obvious that many of the existing inventories are not free from shortfalls and are indisputably in need of an overhaul, and entirely new data collection instruments should be constructed. However, there is little reason why the use of questionnaires including Likert-scale items grouped into distinct categories, particularly if they are derived with requisite rigor, should be discontinued. After all, such inventories are taken advantage of in many areas of SLA research in order to, for example, tap into facets of L2 motivational self system (e.g.
Al-Hoorie, 2018), determine personality traits or measure emotional intelligence (e.g.
Ożańska-Ponikwia, 2018), or establish levels of enjoyment and anxiety (e.g.
Dewaele & Alfawzan, 2018). Even when we look at the SILL which has taken the bulk of the criticism, including from
Oxford (2017) herself, it is difficult to disagree with
Amerstorfer (2018), who quite adeptly highlights the advantages of this tool. She concludes that it ‘has not expired’ and ‘will continue to contribute to the establishment of new knowledge in this complex field of research, especially if employed in combination with other research methods’ (p. 519). Besides, despite all the hopes pinned on it by its developers, the items included in
Tseng, Dörnyei and Schmitt’s (2006) SRCvoc may have no more psychological reality to respondents that those the SILL comprises. By the same token, it might take a struggle to explain how the finding that the functions of strategies fluctuate in a vocabulary task (
Cohen & Wang, 2018) is more revealing to teachers than identifying groups of LLS used more or less frequently in a given class. All in all, it would appear that establishing general patterns by means of carefully developed tools still makes sense although there is clearly a need to augment this approach with more situated, context-sensitive research methods.