Men in Nursing: A Qualitative Examination of Students’ Stereotypes of Male Nurses through the Framework of Social Role Theory and Stereotype Content Model

Driven by overwhelming numerical dominance of women in the role of nurses, nursing profession over the last two centuries has been largely scripted with gendered characterizations. However, nuances that shape the language and wording choices that are evoked when describing the stereotypes targeting male nurses remain relatively unexplored. Our current research examined the way 117 female non-nursing and nursing students in Canada characterized male nurses using open-ended self-report measures and thematic qualitative analyses. We contribute to the literature on nursing, gender, and stereotypes by analyzing the personal attitudes and stereotypes held by young female students toward male nurses. Social role theory and the stereotype content model provided the theoretical underpinnings to explore and explain emergent stereotypes and stereotype content. Our findings suggest that students generate more communal, high-warmth characteristics for male nurses than agentic characteristics, suggesting possible paternalistic prejudice toward men in nursing.

Model; Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske et al., 2002), with an emphasis on gender-based role fulfillment and congruency. While our data collection was limited to Canada, current research adds to a growing international body of literature on gendered nature of the nursing profession, and research focusing specifically on the growing numbers of men in the field.

The Gender Shift in Nursing
Over the years, scholars have established that early nurses were men with religious ties or education, such as medicine men, religious monks, and Jesuit priests (Klainberg & Dirschel, 2009;Young, 2008). The contribution of men to the practice of nursing has been chronicled in numerous historical accounts, including monastic movements in the fourth and fifth centuries (Evans, 2004); Order of St John of Jerusalem in the 11th and 12th centuries (Kingsley, 1978); Crusades of 12th and 13th centuries (Christensen, 2017); and relatively more recent accounts of male nurses in 19th century Britain leading up to the Crimean War (see Young, 2008 for more discussion). Young (2008) cites British census records from 1861 indicating that there were 1651 men working as nurses at various ranks in hospitals across the country, but those numbers dwindled remarkably over 20 years, such that in the 1881 census only a few hundred men listed their occupation as some form of nursing (see also Davies, 1980). By 1885, "women had largely won the battle for control over the organization of hospital nursing" (Young, 2008, p. 21). Throughout much of the 19th and 20th century, nursing as a discipline paid little attention to its earlier male origin, focusing instead on improved training and professionalization, political evolution, and establishing nursing as a reputable career choice for women (Mansell, 2003;Melchior, 2004;Young, 2008). By 21st century, few people are aware that nursing was historically a male-dominated occupation.
The gender shift in nursing can be traced to Florence Nightingale's sanitary reforms during and after the Crimean War in the mid-nineteenth century, and the establishment of schools that barred men from acquiring required credentials to practice nursing (Nightingale, 1858; for discussion see O'Lynn, 2004;Young, 2008). Thus, a movement took roots that constructed the (gender) face of the nursing profession as female, the denouement of which is apparent in the latest statistical evidence. In Canada, for example, at the turn of the millennium, men made up only 4.8% of Registered Nurses and more recent reports suggest the percentage has increased but remains low at 9% (Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2020). International statistics, although higher than Canada's numbers, also show a minority of men in the nursing profession; where only 10.9% of nurses in Australia (Australian Government Department of Health Fact Sheet, 2017), 11.4% of nurses in the UK (Williams, 2017), and 9.1% of nurses in the US (Smiley, et al., 2018) identifying as male.
Correspondingly, the occupation's historical leaders and influential thinkers, including modern day nursing theorists deemed critical to the profession's advancement, are overwhelmingly female-a reflection of the recent past and current demographic composition of field (Klainberg & Dirschel, 2009;Parker & Smith, 2010). The history of modern nursing, beyond the focus on the professionalization and emancipation of nursing from its lower status position to a career appropriate for women in the 19th century, has been the subject of much feminist thought (Dingwall et al., 1988;Mansell, 2003;Melchior, 2004). Melchior (2004) in this sense stated: "Similar to women's history and in keeping with first-wave feminism, early professional discourse in Canadian nursing is revealed by written histories that celebrate progressiveness" and "the significance of nursing as an occupation based on feminine ideals" (p. 342).
Synonymity of "Nursing" with "Feminine" Communal traits, such as caring and compassionate, stereotypically read as feminine attributes (Bem, 1974;, are core concepts in current nursing philosophy, culture, and practice (Cara, 2003;Davison & Williams, 2009;Henderson, 2001;Morse et al., 1990). Caring, here, is positioned as the very "essence" of nursing, underlying "the behaviors, actions, and attributes of nurses" required for ethical practice (see Boykin & Schoenhofer, 2013;Morse, et al., 1990;Watson, 2013). Many scholars have noted that caring or caring qualities are vital to practicing nursing and to sustaining a positive relationship between patient and "nurse"; a role often associated with women (Gray, 2009;Henderson, 2001;Morse et al., 1990). In fact, the stereotype of women as having a "caring nature" has been offered as an explanation for the seeming segregation of women into health and childcare occupations (e.g., teaching, nursing; Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;. Scholars have found that qualities associated with women and femininity, specifically care, compassion, motherly, and helpful in nature, characterize people's perceptions of nurses (Holroyd et al., 2002;Loughrey, 2008;Tranbarger, 2007). For example, in Ireland, Loughrey (2008) suggested the female gender role was integral to the nursing occupation and reported that even male nurses identified largely with "feminine gender role' instead of the "masculine gender role." Among male and female nursing students in Hong Kong, Holroyd et al. (2002) found that the typical Chinese nurse was rated like the typical Chinese woman.
Not only do feminine stereotypes dominate the profession, but the ideal nurse is also viewed as, almost exclusively, female. For example, in a study conducted by Oakhill et al. (2005), when asked to pair a relative (e.g., sister, brother, father, mother) with the nursing profession, participants were significantly faster in pairing female relatives with nursing than male relatives. In similar research, when participants were given the choice between an engineer or a nurse-even after being instructed that gender was not associated with career aspirations in the study-they were more likely to assume the nursing student was female and the engineering student male (Nelson et al., 1996). Similarly, Bartfay and Bartfay (2016) reported that over 90% of their female nursing student sample described nursing as more suitable profession for women, because of the inherently caring and compassionate nature of women. As Clow et al. (2015) argued, the problem is not that women are associated with nursing (e.g., women do dominate the occupation), rather that, "stereotypes lead people to assume that there is something about being a woman that is necessary for being a nurse" (p. 365; see also Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;Cejka & Eagly, 1999;Clow & Ricciardelli, 2011).
Expanding on the disproportionate imbuement of nursing profession with feminine stereotypes that also shape role-expectations, some researchers have focused on challenges for men in the nursing field. Male nurses have been the subjects of negative stereotypes so much that, in some cases, their sexuality or intelligence might be questioned-for example dubbing male nurses as homosexuals, failed doctors, and deviants (e.g., Harding, 2007;Lupton, 2006;Meadus, 2000). Here, the pervasiveness of the feminine stereotyping of nursing occupation is evident in the experiences of male nursing students in Taiwan who described being questioned by their patients and the public about their occupation choice (e.g., "don't you have female nurses here?") or disbelief that they were actually nurses (e.g., "are you a real nurse?") (Yang et al., 2004, p. 646). Rajacich et al. (2013) found that male nurses felt discriminated against in the workplace and their challenges included being a "visible minority" in the profession. Similarly, Clow et al. (2015) found that male nurses were more likely to be negatively rated as compared to female nurses by their peers. Building on the aforementioned research and using the theoretical framework of social role theory and stereotype content model, we explore stereotype content of male nurses held by young women (Table 1).

Social Role Theory
Social roles can be defined as behavioral expectations deemed suitable for persons occupying a certain social position or associated with a particular social category (Biddle, 1986;Eagly & Koenig, 2006). Social roles may be guided by descriptive norms, which are consensual expectations about what members of a group actually do, and injunctive norms, which are consensual expectations about what a group of people ought to do (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Eagly (1987) noted that "these [consensual] beliefs are more than beliefs about the attributes of women and men: many of these expectations are normative in the sense that they describe qualities or behavioral tendencies believed to be desirable for each sex" (p. 13). Gender stereotypes thus follow from repeated observations of men and women in typical social roles-especially, men's predominance in breadwinner and higher status roles and women frequently occupying homemaker and lower-status roles (see also Koenig & Eagly, 2014;. The overrepresentation of one gender in a particular social/occupational role leads the social perceivers to believe that the traits required for or enacted in the role are the core traits associated with that particular gender Koenig & Eagly, 2014). Traits frequently associated with an individual's social/occupational role also influence the individual's gender related self-concept and influence their behavior (Abele, 2003;Abele et al., 2016). As such, gendered division of labor determines both gender stereotype content and gender differences in behavior (Eagly, 1987;Koenig & Eagly, 2019). Social role theory divides attributes and beliefs associated with gender roles largely into communal and agentic attributes. Communal attributes refer to communityoriented behaviors necessary to be successful in caring for others (such as compassionate, caring, kind) and are historically and stereotypically associated with women and their traditional role as homemakers. Agentic attributes refer to more individualistic behaviors (such as aggressive, competitive, ambitious) commonly associated with men and their traditional role as providers (e.g., Cuddy et al., 2007;Glick & Fiske, 1996). Along these lines, Hall and Carter (1999) argue that as behaviors (communal and agentic) become more gender differentiated as a result of the social roles, people judge these behaviors as appropriate for only one gender, consequently constructing and confirming rigid gender stereotypes and their associated injunctive norms (see also ).
An extension of the social role theory, role congruity theory addresses the perceived congruity between gender roles and other social roles an individual might simultaneously fulfill, as well as specifies key factors and processes that influence congruity perceptions and their consequence for prejudice and prejudicial behaviors (see Eagly & Karau, 2002). According to role congruity theory, when an inconsistency occurs between the behavior exhibited by an occupant of a social role and its injunctive norms, the social perceiver will comprehend it as an incongruency (Eagly & Diekman, 2005;Eagly & Karau, 2002;. For instance, a member traditionally belonging to a certain social category not conforming to or defying behaviors stereotypically associated with that category can destroy the beliefs and expectations of the perceiver and be read as incongruent. Thus, the inconsistency and perceived incongruency lowers the evaluation of the group member as an actual or potential occupant of the role presenting grounds for prejudice (Eagly & Karau, 2002; see also Eagly & Diekman, 2005).
In the case of female leaders, for example, prejudice can arise when supposedly inconsistent communal characteristics stereotypically attributed to women and the agentic qualities associated with leadership are conjoined (Eagly & Karau, 2002;Garcia-Retamero & Lόpez-Zafra, 2006;Heilman & Okimoto, 2007). Moreover, when women exhibit traits and behaviors culturally associated with men-such as aggression, arrogance, dominance-those behaviors are deemed "undesirable" and inconsistent with women's gender role, and they experience more backlash and prejudice (Rudman et al., 2012; also see Koenig & Eagly, 2019). Schneider and Bos (2019) demonstrate that in politics, given the masculine construal of the political role, female candidates are more likely to become targets of voter prejudice. In this way, we propose that prejudice toward male nurses follows from the incongruity that many people perceive between the presumed characteristics of men and current communal conceptualizations of the field of nursing (Clow & Ricciardelli, 2011).

Stereotype Content Model
Earliest social psychology research on stereotypes addressed and documented stereotype content (e.g., Katz & Braly, 1933), but by the end of 20th century the focus of research shifted from the content of stereotypes to the process of stereotyping (see Bodenhausen et al., 1999). Stereotype content was essentially neglected, based on the assumption that even though contents of stereotypes change across time and culture, the underlying processes would stay constant (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000). One of the most influential models to change that view was the Stereotype Content Model (SCM: Fiske, 2018;Fiske, et al., 2002).
According to the SCM, all stereotypes are organized along universal evaluative, "Big Two" dimensions which dominate our social perception of others: warmth and competence (Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske, 2018). Warmth refers to the target group's socioemotional orientation toward others, whereas competence indicates the target group's perceived ability to be successful at tasks that are accorded high status or prestige (Eckes, 2002;Fiske, 2015). The combination of high and/or low-warmth and competence determine perceptions and contents of stereotypes. According to Fiske et al. (2002), paternalistic prejudice result from the combination of high-warmth and low-competence, which generates pity, and portrays outgroups as neither inclined to, nor capable of, harm toward members of the ingroup. Conversely, high-competence with low-warmth leads to envious prejudice, which generates envy because outgroups are perceived as doing well for themselves, but as having negative intentions toward the ingroup (Fiske, et al., 2002). Additionally, there are high-high (generating admiration) and low-low (generating contempt) combinations (Eckes, 2002;Cuddy et al., 2007). Usually, culturally deemed traditional women who work within the home are targets of paternalistic prejudice, which portray them as warm but not particularly competent. On the other hand, culturally read non-traditional women, such as career women and feminists, are frequently the targets of envious prejudice, which portray them as competent but not particularly warm (Fiske, et al., 2002;Eckes, 2002). These prejudices manifest themselves vividly when role incongruity is observed, such as women, stereotypically perceived as warm, occupying leadership positions, stereotypically perceived as competent (Eagly & Karau, 2002;Garcia-Retamero & Lόpez-Zafra, 2006), and seemingly would apply to men in nursing-a caring occupation currently dominated by women (see Clow & Ricciardelli, 2011)-questioning their respective suitability for the job, and attracting judgment and criticism.
In addition to the above-mentioned prejudices, intergroup bias also possibly becomes operative in generating stereotypes and affecting perceptions of role (in)congruency which might differ across ingroups and outgroups (see Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske et al., 2002;Hewstone et al., 2002). Extending the reasoning of ingroup favoritism in intergroup bias, in the event of a person occupying a role thought inconsistent with their gender, outgroups might be more likely to have prejudice/bias than ingroups (see Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010). Given that female nursing students may see nursing as less of solely a female career or more female-dominated (the reality in their classes), they would be more aware that some men do in fact go into nursing and might be more accepting of men in nursing. But given that intergroup bias is a general, but not universal phenomenon (see Hewstone et al., 2002), we explore if men in nursing are in fact perceived differently by outgroups (non-nursing students) and ingroups (nursing students).

Current Study
Although research has begun to present the voices of male nurses (e.g., Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;Voss & Eldeirawi, 2017), a systematic qualitative examination of stereotype content about men in nursing has yet to be researched. As knowing the contents of people's stereotypes can lead to effective strategies for targeting future attitude change (see Eckes, 2002), we asked nursing and non-nursing students to describe their views of male nurses. Social role theory (Eagly, 1987; and SCM (Fiske, 2018;Fiske et al., 2002) guided analysis of participants' responses, in the hopes of providing new insight into mechanisms behind continued obstacles before, and seeming resistance to, men in nursing.
For the present study, we asked participants to list the characteristics they associated with male nurses. These characteristics were coded according to emergent themes, determined by multiple participants listing the same attributes or expressing the same concept but in different words (e.g., intelligent, knowledgeable, and smart all coded together). These emergent themes were then grouped into categories that expressed high-competence, low-competence, high-warmth, low-warmth, or other. When we grouped according to high and low-warmth and competence, we used the specific attributes (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) Fiske et al. (2002) used to measure high and low-competence and warmth in their studies. We operationalized competence as agentic traits overall, and warmth as communal traits overall, keeping true to the literatures that Fiske et al. (2002; see also Abele, 2003) and Eagly (1987; see also Koenig & Eagly, 2019) cite when situating their work.
One of the intents of our study was to explore the content difference between stereotypes of male nurses generated by their ingroup of nursing and outgroup of nonnursing students. More specifically, we were interested in whether or not participants described male nurses: (a) more in terms of competence than warmth, similar to perceptions Eckes (2002) found for "typical" men and career men; (b) as high in both warmth and competence, as if entering nursing might have a similar impact as Cuddy et al. (2007) found for career men becoming parents, where perceptions of men's communal warmth increased without impacting perceptions of their agency and competence (though career women did not fare so well); (c) more in terms of warmth than competence, similar to Eckes' (2002) findings for the "typical" woman, housewife, and secretary, and corroborating men in nursing research in other countries that has found male nurses to be rated similar to the female gender role (Holroyd et al., 2002;Loughrey, 2008), presumably because they willingly entered a female-dominated career. In sum, by investigating the specific characteristics participants ascribed to male nurses through SCM and social role theory, we explored if the descriptions of participants suggested that men, as nurses, represented the male social role (and its associated status and power). Ethics approval for the study was obtained from the University of Ontario Institute of Technology (REB File#06-004).

Method
Participants Data for the present study is a subset of the larger data (167 participants) whose quantitative analysis is published (Clow et al., 2015). Our current study included 117 female nursing and non-nursing students (insufficient male nursing student data was available for analysis (n = 3), and thus we focus on female students only) who volunteered to participate from a small university in Southern Ontario. Non-nursing students were recruited from a first year Introductory Psychology class in the Faculty of Social Sciences (n = 65) and the nursing students were recruited from a third-year Mental Health class in the Faculty of Health Sciences (n = 52). The third-year nursing students, by nature of their program requirements, had a minimum of 2 years internship experience at diverse medical centers (hospitals, doctor's offices, long-term care facilities); these students did have some hands-on nursing experience when completing the study. The participants had the opportunity to win a $100.00 gift certificate for a local retail establishment.
Participants' ages varied slightly, where the nursing students were slightly older on average (M = 23.36, SD = 4.82) than non-nursing (M = 18.75, SD = 0.93). The difference in age was expected given the nursing students were in their third year of study, whereas the non-nursing students were predominantly in their first (74%) or second (21%) year. The participants in the sample were relatively ethnically diverse; less than half of the participants self-identified as English Canadian only (42% of female nursing students; 37% of female non-nursing students). There was great variability in the ethnicities participants mentioned (e.g., Indigenous n = 1, Brazilian n = 2, Italian n = 3, Peruvian n = 1, Vietnamese n = 1), with Sri Lankan being the most frequently reported (12/117 participants). Many participants identified with multiple ethnic backgrounds (23%).

Materials
For the current study, the stereotype component of Esses, Haddock and Zanna's (1993) open-ended measure served as an inspiration to assess participants' views of male nurses. Previous researchers have successfully used the measure to explore individual differences in stereotype development (Clow & Esses, 2005) and to understand attitudes toward homosexuals and ethnic groups (Bell et al., 1996;Haddock et al., 1994). Our stereotype measure asked participants to list the characteristics they associated with male nurses. For example, on one page, participants were asked to provide a list of characteristics that they would use to describe male nurses and 10 blank lines were provided for participants' responses. Although 10 lines were provided, participants were encouraged to provide as many or as few words as was necessary to fully convey their impression of the group.

Thematic Analysis
We analyzed the characteristics mentioned by participants using a thematic approach, whereby we grouped similar responses generated by multiple participants together into categories. Two of the authors independently coded the data based on emergent themes, such that themes were mutually exclusive and exhaustive. To ensure coding was performed in a reliable and valid fashion, coders agreed on emergent themes and categorizations of the characteristics. Before coding, both coders met to discuss coding expectation, potential biases or issues that could affect the interpretation of characteristics. Upon discussion, a set of subthemes were agreed upon-informed by SCM (e.g., Fiske et al., 2002) and Social Role Theory (e.g., Eagly & Koenig, 2006;, but driven by the data-and both authors recoded the data according to the new thematic sub-categories. Afterwards, each individual completed coding independently. Finally, both coders met to discuss their coding schemes and to resolve any discrepancies. If the researchers disagreed and agreement could not be reached (less than one percent of the listed characteristics) the characteristic was removed from the analysis.
The overarching communal and agentic themes were obvious and dominated the data. We, then, created two categories based on the "Big Two" dimensions of warmth and competence (Fiske, 2018) representing communal and agentic characteristics, respectively. Characteristics mentioned by the participants were put in either of these categories and characteristics that did not seem to fit in the warmth and competence categories were put in the "other" category. We then created sub-categories of "high" and "low" within warmth and competence categories. Characteristics, then, perceived as high in warmth (Fiske et al., 2002) were moved in the High-Warmth subcategory and so on. Once the coding scheme was finalized, we calculated the percentage of responses that fit into each category.

Procedure
A researcher visited the selected classes to explain the study and the draw (possible compensation). Students interested in participating were provided with a consent form, a booklet of questionnaires (one page of which was the stereotype measure of interest), and 20 minutes of class time to complete the study. The researcher stayed to field any questions should they arise (but no questions were asked). Once the questionnaires were completed, students were asked to place their responses in a box as they exited the classroom (to increase anonymity). A few participants chose to take their questionnaire booklets home with them, rather than completing them in class, and returned the completed questionnaires to their professors in a subsequent class.

Results
We analyzed the characteristics participants generated on the open-ended stereotype measure (Haddock et al., 1994). We explored whether participants described male nurses more in terms of competence than warmth (suggesting envious prejudice), high in both competence and warmth (suggesting admiration), or more in terms of warmth than competence (suggesting paternalistic prejudice). Additionally, we explored stereotype content difference, considering intergroup bias, between nursing and nonnursing students. Finally, we assess if male nurses were described using negative stereotype content or as deviant.

Nursing and non-nursing students' perceptions of male nurses
High-warmth. The most frequently mentioned characteristics for male nurses were in the high-warmth category (50.6%)-both non-nursing 51.4% (195/379 mentions) and nursing students 48.5% (69/142 mentions) endorsed characteristics high in warmth. Themes in the high-warmth category included traits such as "caring," "parental," "calm," "courteous," and "physically attractive"-the very characteristics stereotypically associated with women and femininity (Bem, 1974;. "Compassionate" and "kind" were also common mentions across students, suggesting that although male nurses are perceived as non-normative in general, male nurses in Canada are still primarily attributed with stereotypically feminine characteristics (Holroyd et al., 2002;Loughrey, 2008). Below we report two frequently mentioned sub-categories namely "caring" and "calm and careful" that emerged in 195 and 69 high-warmth mentions by non-nursing and nursing students, respectively.
Caring. Both the non-nursing and nursing students largely described male nurses as being caring. Of 195 mentions by non-nursing students of high-warmth characteristics for male nurses, 44 (22.5%) mentions were some form of caring using the terms "caring," "compassionate," and "empathetic." Among nursing students, 37/69 (53.6%) mentions declared some form of caring attribute for male nurses. Since "care" is delineated as the fundamental essence of nursing and nurses' training (Boykin & Schoenhofer, 2013;Davison & Williams, 2009;Watson, 2013;Morse et al., 1990), emphasis on nurses as caring by both nursing and non-nursing students is hardly surprising. The difference in frequency between nursing and non-nursing students' mentions could be explained through the exposure/training of the nursing students since nursing students learn that caring is the foremost attribute in being a nurse (Holroyd et al., 2002;Loughrey, 2008;Tranbarger, 2007). And for non-nursing students, the agentic attributes/stereotypes associated with male gender in general might be adding to their reluctance to describe male nurses as the opposite, i.e., caring or expressing feminine attributes.
Calm and careful. In total, 19/195 (9.7%) high-warmth mentions by non-nursing students and 7/69 (10.1%) mentions by nursing students described male nurses as "calm and careful." Within the sub-category of "calm and careful," 46.67% mentions by non-nursing students and 33.33% mentions by nursing students described male nurses as "patient," 30.00% mentions exclusively by non-nursing students described male nurses as "gentle," and 22.22% of mentions exclusively by nursing students described male nurses as "calm." In this subcategory, the high-warmth characteristics associated with nursing in general seem to reflect in students' perceptions of male nurses as well. Here, the supposed incongruency between stereotypic, agentic male social roles and communal nature of nursing (Eagly & Karau, 2002;Garcia-Retamero & López-Zafra, 2006) seem to have become trivialized.
Low-warmth. Overall, the frequency of low-warmth characteristics was very low as compared to other characteristics. Nursing students did not mention any low-warmth characteristics for male nurses. Very few non-nursing students mentioned some negative, low-warmth characteristics about male nurses. Low-warmth characteristic mentions represented 2.9% (11/379 mentions) of all characteristics mentioned by nonnursing students. Below we outline two major sub-themes that emerged in the lowwarmth category, namely "negative personality traits" and "homosexual." Unfriendly and other negative personality traits. Within the category, nonnursing students mostly mentioned male nurses as being unfriendly (18% of lowwarmth characteristics) and as having negative personality traits (63.63% of lowwarmth characteristics which included particularly negative comments such as "weird," "weak," "flirty," "not-masculine"). These findings corroborate existing research that men in non-traditional roles defy injunctive norms of social roles (Eagly & Karau, 2002) and are seen as deviant in some way (see Clow et al., 2015). The negative perceptions might intensify when the target group (here, male nurses) is judged by outgroups (see Hewstone et al., 2002) i.e., non-nursing students. These findings may also suggest that non-nursing students find male nurses more threatening than do the nursing students. Possibly, as there are relatively few men in nursing, female nursing students may not feel that they are in competition with them, whereas the non-nursing students may feel that male nurses threaten the heteropatriarchal status quo.
High-competence. Agentic characteristics-dominant and active traits that are commonly associated with men's social roles (Bem, 1974;)-were also mentioned when participants described male nurses, but far less frequently than high-warmth characteristics. Two sub-categories namely "brave," and "skilled" emerged within the category of high competence.
Brave. For non-nursing students, 12.9% (49/379 of all mentions) fell into the agentic, high-competence category. "Confident," "brave," "courageous," and "determined" were the most frequent mentions. "Brave" and "courageous" were generated more often among non-nursing students, whereas nursing students were more focused on the skills and abilities of male nurses. Perhaps such mentions were more common for non-nursing students because they assumed that men entering a female-dominated profession would be, or would have need of, courage and bravery.
Skilled. Common mentions for nursing students differed in the high-competence category. Although they made up 9.1% (13/142 of all mentions), nursing students were more likely to say "professional," "confident," "competent," and "skilled." Female nursing students did not seem to draw the same conclusion as non-nursing students that male nurses needed to be courageous to enter the female-dominated profession. Instead, female nursing students appeared more focused on job relevant competencies. Additionally, nursing students only mentioned other favorable traits when describing male nurses such as "open-minded" and "vigorous" which can be thought of as complementing the competence of male nurses.
Low-competence. Low-competence characteristics were not mentioned by nursing students at all. Very few non-nursing students described male nurses using lowcompetence characteristics along the lines of "not smart enough to be a doctor" (only 0.007%, 3 out of all 379 mentions) and as "unprofessional" (0.01%, 4/379 mentions). The near absence of low-competence traits for male nurses might possibly suggest a change in people's attitudes towards men in nursing who were once perceived as "failed doctors" (e.g., Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016; see also Clow et al., 2015).
Other. Admiration. In addition to the above-mentioned characteristics that could be categorized into warmth and competence separately, there also emerged a sub-category of "admiration"-a perception usually held by ingroups towards those stereotyped as high-competence and high-warmth (Fiske et al., 2002;Cuddy et al., 2007). Characteristics denoting admiration were exclusively mentioned by nursing students and were completely absent from non-nursing students' description of male nurses-8.69% of all characteristics mentioned by nursing students expressed praise for male nurses like "physically stronger," "nicer," "less catty," "men better than women." According to Cuddy et al. (2007), admiration is directed towards those whose positive outcomes do not detract from the self. Thus, for nursing students, the admiration may come from the awareness that male nurses are smaller in number, and their presence or success is not seen as a threat for the dominant majority, that is female nurses.
Homosexual. A small percentage of non-nursing (18/379 mentions = 4.74%) and nursing (7/58 mentions = 12%) students promoted negative/deviant stereotypes about male nurses such as male nurses are homosexual (e.g., Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;Harding, 2007). This was exemplified by characteristics such as "most are homosexual," "feminine like," "queer," and "gay." These respondents seemed to promote the myth that male nurses are somehow deviant in a supposedly heteropatriarchal context, possibly to justify men entering a female-dominated career or possibly to reconcile the perceived role incongruity.

Discussion
In our study, we focus on non-nursing and nursing students' perceptions of male nurses and interpret the findings through SCM and social role theory, simultaneously incorporating intergroup bias. SCM emphasizes that combinations of perceived warmth and competence determine our intergroup attitudes (Fiske, 2015;Fiske et al., 2002). In this sense, if male nurses are viewed high in warmth and high in competence, the SCM would predict they are admired, and that people would generally respond toward them with facilitative behaviors, both active (e.g., helping) and passive (e.g., seeking contact; Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske et al., 2002). If high warmth is paired with low perceived competence instead, paternalistic prejudice is theorized to result which usually portrays outgroups as non-threatening and not competing with our own group for resources (Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske et al., 2002) or as capable of posing significant harm (Fiske et al., 2002). Revolving around the emotion of pity, paternalistic prejudice can lead to active facilitation, but can also lead to passive harm, such as avoidance, inaction, and neglect (Cuddy et al., 2007;Fiske et al., 2002).
Many participants, in our study, reported high-warmth characteristics such as "caring" as core elements in nursing practice for male nurses. Participants, both nonnursing and nursing students, described male nurses as highly emotive, mentioning positive emotional characteristics (e.g., caring, compassionate, friendly) that are traditionally considered feminine and are associated with women . These findings correspond with past research that has found when people describe nurses, they generally perceive them as feminine and motherly (Tranbarger, 2007) and with international research that found perceptions of nurses to be strongly associated with the feminine gender role (e.g., Holroyd et al., 2002;Loughrey, 2008). However, some characteristics attributed to male nurses also included descriptors suggesting conflicting stereotypical perceptions; where male nurses were confident and brave for entering a female-dominated profession, but also feminine given they desire the occupation, and for some even deviant.
Along these lines, although many of our participants expressed warmth for male nurses, very few participants mentioned characteristics related to competency. Moreover, the very words used to describe male nurses in terms of competency seemed to change from the non-nursing to the nursing sample. For example, non-nursing students generated characteristics like "brave" for male nurses, whereas nursing students used words denoting skills and abilities of male nurses. The general trend may suggest that most participants tend to like, rather than respect, male nurses possibly indicating paternalistic prejudice. This is a troubling trend for men in nursing as it has been extensively documented that paternalistic prejudice is not merely descriptive, that indicates what male nurses do, but also prescriptive, shaping expectations about what male nurses ought to do (see Eckes, 2002). That is, a prevalent paternalistic prejudice might shape the injunctive norms informing the role of men in nursing profession and how they are perceived by others (Eagly, 1987;Eagly & Karau, 2002). Surprisingly, there was a lack of envious prejudice towards male nurses. As envious prejudice results from an outgroup being viewed as competing with an ingroup, our findings suggest that nursing students do not feel competition and threat from male nurses perhaps due to the very small numbers of men in nursing in Canada.
In terms of negative stereotypes, the sexual orientation of male nurses was questioned by a few participants. Although the number of participants promoting the homosexuality myth regarding men in nursing is small, the mere presence of the "gay nurse" stereotype is telling. These findings corroborate the anecdotal experiences of men in nursing, where they fear that others assume they are homosexual just because they want to be a nurse (e.g., Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;Harding, 2007). Stereotyping of gay men as effeminate, weak, and passive plays a significant role here. Social role theorists could suggest that some individuals are driven to perceive male nurses are gay to neutralize the role incongruity resulting from men joining a feminine profession. The assumption that male nurses are homosexuals might stem from the patriarchal belief that nursing is a women's profession and motivated perceivers may assume that men opting to be nurses must be effeminate and hence, gay (Bartfay & Bartfay, 2016;Harding, 2007; see also Clow et al., 2015).

Limitations and Future Research
Ours is not a national sample but a convenience sample from southern Ontario as, in the present study, students from only one institution were considered. In future research, large, differing samples across Canada and/or internationally should be studied to explore the replicability of our findings. Additionally, cultural differences could be considered to see if they have any mediating effects in influencing perceptions of male nurses. Future researchers may also wish to further explore whether perceptions or stereotype content of male nurses change and how change is similar or different to changes in perceptions of female nurses. Also, since nursing and non-nursing students in our study were not the same year/age, further research is necessary to determine the true impact of age, education, and experience on perceptions of men and women in nursing. Another limitation of our study was the lack of participants' narrative on the views they held for male nurses. Nevertheless, our study will serve as a basis for future researchers who wish to focus on a more in-depth scrutiny of stereotype content regarding men in nursing.

Conclusion
In the current study, we examined stereotype content generated by non-nursing and nursing students regarding men in nursing and analysed them through the lens of social role theory and SCM. Our findings suggest that even though, overall, the image of nursing is gradually changing to include more men in the profession (see Christensen, 2017), the traditional feminine character of the nursing profession still dominates public perceptions of nursing. As a result, men in nursing are also perceived through the predominant context and are described more in terms of communal attributes most associated with women.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.