Seeds of authoritarian opposition: Far-right education politics in post-war Europe

Since the 1980s, right-wing extremism, radicalism, and populism have emerged as transformative forces in European politics. This unexpected resurgence has triggered an interdisciplinary scholarly effort to refine our understanding of the far right. Educationalists, however, have largely been absent from this endeavour, leaving us unable to theorise and address the potential effects of the far right’s political and cultural growth on European education. This article aims to provide an empirically based conceptional groundwork for educational research on the far right. Drawing on archival research and content analysis of programmatic material produced by diverse and influential far-right organisations in France, (West) Germany, and Italy, I show that the post-war European far right disposes of the two essential features of a social movement: an action-oriented frame that reduces educational reforms to a common contentious theme, and a dense organisational network. The latter engages in institutional and contentious politics, as well as education. Theoretically, these findings suggest that, in the realm of education, the far right ought to be conceptualised as a social movement that seeks to influence education policy, and represents itself an educational actor. Addressing the far right’s multifaceted educational engagement thus requires a combined effort across European education research.


Introduction
This online appendix complements the paper "Seeds of authoritarian opposition". It provides more detailed information on the nature and location of the data underlying the analysis as well as a comprehensive list of the analysed sources. The primary aim of data collection was to provide systematic documentation on the far right's approach to education policy in post-war Continental European democracies. However, in the future, this type of data might also be used to study this ideology and movement's ideas and policy preferences regarding selected educational topics. Such studies are lacking in the European literature so far. Therefore, this Appendix is not only meant to increase the transparency of the analysis presented in the paper, but also aims to provide future research in the field with a systematic overview of potentially relevant organisations (section 1) as well as studies and sources relating to these organisations (section 2). The tables included at the end of the Appendix provide a comprehensive list of potentially interesting sources, grouped according to the criteria introduced in the first two sections.

Description of cases
The far right is defined here as an ideology based on authoritarianism, a holistic or exclusivist understanding of nationalism, as well as either anti-liberal or anti-democratic attitudes (Carter, 2018). Organisations subscribing to these tenets, constitute the potential universe of cases for studies on the far right's policy and politics.
According to the (extensive) literature on the European far right, these organisations show some characteristic variation. Given this study's exploratory aim, following Gerring (2007), data collection focused on a selection of cases that represent this variation while at the same time also play an influential role in shaping the European far right at large. Based on the literature in the field, four sources of variation were considered: Internationalism After 1945, the European far right found itself marginalised. With parties and governments within their countries denying cooperation, far-right actors sought allies across national borders. Historians show that, as a result, the post-war far right has developed into a decisively international phenomenon. The movement's ideas and strategies have been shaped by international cooperation, as well as copying and lending mechanisms, with some organisations constituting hugely influential models subsequently emulated all over Europe (and beyond) (Albanese & Del Hierro, 2014;Griffin, 2000;Mammone, 2015;Rydgren, 2005).
Programmatic Scholars also distinguish a radical and extreme strand of the far right (e.g., Art, 2012;Carter, 2018;Copsey, 2018;Mudde, 2010). Organisations constituting the radical right subscribe to an ideology that combines far-right authoritarianism and an holistic or exclusivist understanding of nationalism with anti-liberalism. Hence, while they oppose fundamental liberal tenets such as equality and individual rights, they do not reject democracy as such -at least in its minimal definition as a system with regular free elections and guaranteed civil liberties. These organisations also generally comply with democratic procedures in their own organisation and strategies, for instance constituting parties that participate in elections. On the other hand, the extreme right is both antiliberal and anti-democratic. Organisations constituting this part of the movement reject democracy as a principle of government, and often also refuse to comply with democratic rules to advance their political goals, opting for violence and terrorism instead.
Organisation Far-right ideology is not only embodied by political parties. Indeed, several studies highlight the importance of the non-party sector for advancing the far right's agenda. They pinpoint societal/grassroots organisations and think tanks as particularly important sources of far-right activism, and a crucial complement to parties' electoral and legislative politics ( Bar-On, 2007;Blee & Creasap, 2010;Castelli Gattinara & Pirro, 2019;Veugelers & Menard, 2018).
Therefore, this study includes influential organisations that, taken together, represent the European far right's characteristic international scope (multiple countries); evolution in time (first-, second-, and third wave); programmatic variance (extreme and radical right); as well as organisational variance (parties, think tanks, and societal organisations).
Data gathering was limited to the period from the 1950s to the 2000s, and thus excludes the current, fourth wave of far-right politics. The latter is characterised by the mainstreaming of far-right politics, with parties and organisations across the political spectrum adopting ideas and policy preferences originally developed by the far right (Abou-Chadi & Krause & Giebler, 2019;Mudde, 2019). While it would be interesting to expand data collection to the current period of time, arguably, before we can trace whether and how far-right educational ideas travel beyond the movement, we first have to identify these ideas.
Different definitions of the far right and related concepts exist. Consequently, the delimitation and mapping of the empirical field is contested. However, disagreement tends to be limited to some borderline cases. On the other hand, there are a number of organisations whose influence and representativity is undisputed in the comparative literature, and which are included in all prominent categorisations of the far right -regardless of the specificities of their underlying definitions ( Bar-On, 2007;Carter, 2005;Kitschelt, 1995;Mammone, Godin & Jenkins, 2012;Mudde, 2007;Norris & Ingelhart, 2019;Zaslove, 2009). Only cases where such unanimity exists were considered for analysis. The study thus excludes organisations whose status is contested or shifted during the analysed period. 1 Among the uncontested organisations, I selected those the literature considers most influential in shaping the ideology and strategy of the aforementioned strands, as well as the European movement at large. The resulting sample included selected think tanks and parties in Italy, France, and Germany. I thus focussed my research on these three countries, where I also tried to empirically locate societal organisations dedicated to education, since information on this type of organisation was lacking in existing literature. A comprehensive list of the analysed organisations can be found Tables 1 to 7. For more detailed information on their significance and trajectory please refer to the paper.

Data
This study explores the politics and ideas of the organised far right. In terms of data, it relies on original documents officially issued by the selected organisations. Compared with potential alternatives, this strategy provides two analytical benefits (Art, 2012;Bale, 2017;Mammone, 2015;Mudde, 2000). First, it allows capturing these organisations' official and supposedly consensual opinion, rather than having to rely on retrospective, individual, and potentially deviant views expressed by members in interview situations. Second, it considers far-right organisations as actors in their own right, and does not reconstruct their activities or strategies based on what experts or their constituents think about them.
Following the advice of researchers of political ideologies, the analysis combines documents drafted for different means and audiences (Mair & Mudde, 1998;Mudde, 2000;Pirro, 2018). More specifically, I gathered sources documenting both the front-stage and back-stage of political organisations.
As outlined in more detail in the paper, front-stage sources are documents drafted with a wider public in mind. They include the more polished message an organisations wants to communicate to potential sympathisers and the public at large. They thus constitute a valuable source for assessing the presence or absence of action-oriented frames regarding a specific topic (Snow, 2004). Front-stage type of sources that have been collected for this analysis include: * organisations' official daily newspapers or weekly magazines for the larger public; * books written for non-specialised audiences; * parliamentary speeches; * organisations' manifestoes and official programmes; * other types of propaganda material: flyers, brochures, etc.
Back-stage sources address an organisations' sympathisers, activists, and leaderships. They serve the purpose of internal communication and coordination, and thus are often more specific and less polished than documents aiming at the larger public. They provide insight into how organisations coordinate and communicate with other players, as well as into the strategic and programmatic considerations feeding into their front-stage communication. This type of documents is more difficult to retrieve. Unlike communication directed at the general public, organisations' internal communication is often stored in specialised or private archives. Therefore, collection was limited to Italy and France, where the most influential organisations are located and I could secure access to such archives and libraries. Back-stage sources on which the analysis is based include: * newsletters for members and activists; * more specialised literature issued for information and education purposes; * circulars and internal communication between officials representing the organisation.
The first strategy I used to identify relevant sources was an extensive review of the case studies produced for the selected organisations and countries. Special attention was payed to the sources on which these studies are based. Relevant case studies include: France: Almeida (2019); Bale (2017); Bar-On (2007); Birenbaum (1992aBirenbaum ( , 1992b; Camus (2015); Capra Casadio (2014) To complete the list of potentially relevant sources, I relied on library and archival catalogues, which allowed me to identify further documents issued by the selected organisations and their publishing houses. Researchers and archivists in the three countries as well as provided me with additional knowledge on the availability of data, as did some (former) activists. As shown in Tables 1 to 6, data was mostly retrieved from libraries and archives in the selected organisations' respective countries, including (the abbreviations in brackets are used in the tables at the end of the Appendix): Some data has also been digitalised and is available online. This includes party manifestoes, which have been digitalised for major European and French research projects, including: In addition, most national and some regional parliamentary services have digitalised speeches and other parliamentary documents. 2 Lastly, some more recent material and communication aimed at a larger public can be found on the organisations' respective websites.
To complete this Appendix, Tables 1 to 7 list the organisations and sources considered for this study. The presentation is organised according to the aforementioned criteria: national context (France, Italy, Germany); type of organisation (Type: party, think tank, societal org.); programmatic orientation (Strand: Radical Right RR or Extreme Right ER); wave (Wave: 1 st , 2 nd , or 3 rd ); as well as, for sources, front-and back-stage (Reach: Front or Back).
For further information as well as access to the database please contact Anja Giudici, anja.giudici@politics.ox.ac.uk.