The social reality of working overseas in the ‘Chinese Internationalised School’: Exploring cliques as a precarity and insecurity coping strategy

The number of international schools hit the 6,000-mark in 2012, and the 13,000-mark in 2022. In spite of continuous growth and diversity of provision, paradoxically some literature continues to paint a largely negative sociological imagination, associating the arena with micro-politics, high turnover, and increasing precarity. At the same time, the social reality of working in the arena remains under-reported and under-theorised. The largest number of international schools are now in China, where two-thirds are of the ‘non-traditional’ type. Our paper focuses on the experiences of two expatriate teachers in that relatively new field. In order to address the questions of ‘how do teachers cope?’, and ‘what strategies do they adopt?’, our paper delves into the under-reported social reality of ‘cliques’. By adopting a ‘positive sociology’ lens of inquiry, we begin to address the role that cliques-formation might have in dealing with precarity and insecurity, especially that of ‘friendship precarity’ caused by constant transitions and short-term contracts. It can be seen that cliques offer a natural, quick, and practical solution to addressing precarity, helping over time to create resilience, and should not be viewed solely within a negative sociological imagination.


The changing landscape
Our paper is concerned with the complex arena of 'international education' best described as 'international schooling'.Within this arena, there exists a sub-grouping of mainly private schools traditionally categorised as 'international schools'.Within the oft-quoted yet contestable description offered by the market intelligence agency ISC Research that views such institutions through a very wide lens as being largely 'schools delivering a curriculum in English outside an English-speaking nation ' (iscresearch.com),the number of 'international schools' hit the 6,000-mark in 2012, and the 11,000-mark in 2019 (Speck, 2019).By July 2022, ISC Research was reporting 13,100 schools, with 571,000 educators teaching 5.9 million children (iscresearch.com).
Amidst substantial historical and continuous numerical growth, the geography of this arena of schooling has radically changed.From a previous largely Northern European base, the epicentre of activity is now Asia (including the Middle East).By 2019, Dubai had the highest number of such schools followed by Shanghai, Abu Dhabi, and Beijing (Probert, 2020).Understandably, one scholar of the field refers to the 'Great Asian Gold-Rush' (Machin, 2017).The demand-side of the growth equation here has seen major changes.Alongside a sudden shift Eastwards towards Asia, there have been major demographic changes, away from schools largely serving globally mobile expatriate families towards those serving a more localised, national clientele; in fact, it is oft-said that 80% of international school students are more recently host-country nationals (Brummitt & Keeling, 2013), with their parents more representative of an emerging middle class seeking identity and distinction rather than seeking a pragmatic schooling choice whilst posted overseas.
At the same time, the supply-side of growth has become complex and arguably more problematic.There has been a fundamental shift in ownership and governance, with much of the current growth in Asia relating to networks of schools (Kim, 2016) mainly operated for-profit, and less reliant on the Western-based accreditation agencies that previously served the field.Further, much of the growth of international schools especially in Asia (Machin, 2017) has been fueled by national policy-making, some of which is arguably occurring by 'stealth' (Kim and Mobrand, 2019).
Our paper is specifically concerned with the context of China, now the largest country of both this demand-side and supply-side activity.At the time of Leach's (1969) seminal studies there were seemingly no international schools in mainland China, and just two in Hong Kong.Studies by Yamato (2003) showed there were 60 schools in Hong Kong in 2000, while a decade later, the ISC Research database (29 November 2012) identified 169 schools there.Growth in mainland China has been even faster.With restrictions on Chinese nationals attending international schools, in 2000 there were just 22 schools in the whole of China, supporting the learning needs of 7,268 children.By June 2010, this figure had increased to 260 schools with 119,319 students (Brummitt and Keeling, 2013: 30) and reached 530 by 2016 (Sharma, 2016).In October 2019, it was reported there were 857 international schools in mainland China educating 372,000 children (Morrison, 2019); ISC Research in July 2022 saw China's global market share as 8.3% (1,100 schools).
The growth of international schools in China is actually quite complex, involving numerous models of schooling, and the growth in numbers masks the emergent diversity of provision there (Wright et al, 2022).On the one hand, there is the continued growth in 'Schools for Children of Foreign Workers', representing in the main the 'traditional' (Hayden & Thompson, 2013) type of international school.Many of these offer the programmes of the International Baccalaureate (IB), and are deemed as 'elite international schools' in a China-based context (Wright & Lee, 2014).A newer body of franchised elite institutions, quasi-replicating the English independent school as pioneered by Dulwich College and Harrow School, has also emerged in mainland China (Bunnell et al, 2020).This body of 'non-traditional' (Hayden and Thompson, 2013) international schools exists largely beneath the research radar and has still to be fully explored or theorised.In particular, we still know relatively little about the intentions and aspirations of the 'local' parents who choose such schools for their children, although Young's (2018) research in China, with yet another body of 'non-traditional' schools, refers to a form of 'international capital' accumulation spurring parental demand.
At the same time, there has been a huge increase in the more under-reported and under-theorised 'international Private Chinese Schools' (iPCS) sector, representing a further, newer 'non-traditional' type of international school (Robinson & Guan, 2012).This grouping, representing 66% of international schools across China (Keeling, 2019) and offering a fusion of national and international curricula, has been alternatively termed as the 'Chinese Internationalised School' (Poole, 2020a).Such Chinese investor-owned schools, serving 'host country nationals' in bilingual (English and Chinese) and bicultural settings, have been increasingly emerging in China's regional cities, beyond Beijing or Shanghai (Coughlan, 2017).In fact, the largest body of such schools is found in Guangdong, where in 2019 some 46,000 Chinese students attended 103 iPCSs (Keeling, 2019).This body of schools, which since 2012 had been growing across China at 14% per annum before tight restrictions on private schooling were introduced in 2021 (Wu and Koh, 2023;Wright et al, 2022), is the focus of this paper.
Chinese Internationalised Schools (CIS) offer some form of international curriculum to a largely homogenous local clientele and are generally privately-owned and run for-profit.For students excluded from traditional-type international schools in China, which require an overseas passport, CIS seem to offer an aspiring local middle-class elite an alternative way to access international schooling, which not only potentially provides a pathway to an elite overseas university, but also seems to offer a means to cultivate 'distinction' and 'cosmopolitan capital' -such as experience abroad, international networks, and English language skills (although here we reiterate the caveat that very little is actually known as yet about reasons behind parental choice).For aspiring parents in China, their child appropriating the social and cultural capital distinction of being 'international' is a strategy for social positioning and upward social mobility (Basaran & Ollson, 2018).
As noted above, CIS aspire to be hybrid in nature, fusing national and international orientations.However, in practice this hybridity is largely 'rhetorical' in nature (Poole, 2021).National aspects, such as the national curriculum, symbolic routines (such as flag-raising ceremonies) and Chinese assumptions about management, teaching and learning tend to be dominant, whilst expatriate teachers' professional knowledge may be marginalised (Bunnell & Poole, 2022).Therefore, expatriate teachers, who typically only stay in a CIS for 2 to 3 years due to the short-term nature of their contracts (Poole, 2020b), are arguably not valued 'solely because of the extent and form of their knowledge but often because of who they are and where they come from' (Kothari, 2005: 426).
Moreover, changes to the international school sector in China since 2021, arising from government regulation, have seen restrictions placed on CIS catering for Chinese host national children during the compulsory years of education from grades 1 to 9.These regulations include restrictions on foreign textbook use, and school governance.According to ISC Research (2021), these changes include: prohibiting ownership or control of the school by foreign individuals; prohibiting the use of foreign textbooks and curriculum; prohibiting the takeover of public schools by private enterprises; and prohibiting certain admission practices including subject entrance examinations.Wu and Koh (2023) describe these changes in terms of the 'backgrounding' of the international and the foregrounding of the 'national.' Despite the challenges and changes highlighted above, Pearce's (2013: 69) prophesy that in 40 years time the 'dominant sponsor of international schools could be China' may still come to pass, as ISC data from February 2024 shows that China is the country with the most international schools (approximately 1,106) (ISC, 2024).One keynote speaker (Yip Kwok-wah, 2006: 2), at the October 2006 Alliance for International Education conference held in Shanghai, said that: 'Students in international schools in China come from those mobile families in the upper economic stratum . . .they will shape the future world.'At the same time, the context of teaching and working overseas in China has largely escaped research attention.This paradoxical situation is the impetus behind our paper.There are other paradoxes too, which will be explored next.

The constant landscape
As seen above, the arena of international schooling continues not only to grow but also to morph.The arena in 2024 appears almost completely different from what existed two decades earlier.
Major changes have occurred in the geography, demography, ownership, governance, and philosophy of the arena, and the emerging scene in mainland China neatly represents this shift especially with the growth there of 'non-traditional' models.
However, one should be careful not to over-exaggerate the changes.Two constant themes remain.First, the arena continues, in spite of enormous change and geographical spread, to be dominated by educators born and trained in English-speaking nations.One seminal study (Canterford, 2003: 47) observed that international schools seemed then to be comprised of 'disproportionately large' numbers of British and American staff.This situation appears to remain the case more recently, with the number of teachers in the Middle East, for instance, having reached 112,000 (Navdar, 2016), of whom 86% were Western-trained, predominantly from the USA and UK.At the same time, we know little about the reality in terms of teachers' motives, aspirations, and concerns.This is especially true of the scene in mainland China, and 'non-traditional' settings in particular.Our paper focuses on this under-researched area of activity.
The research picture is progressing, albeit rather slowly.Research, from relatively small samples, is beginning to appear about the background of expatriate teachers pointing to many having a predisposition to teach overseas after having been much travelled, involving taking risks, during their formative or young adult lives (Poole & Bunnell, 2023;Savva, 2015).This implies that some expatriate teachers might have developed a form of cultural capital, built upon accumulating some form of resilience.The identity of those who emerge directly from postgraduate teaching courses has been investigated (Bailey & Cooker, 2019).Further, research findings are appearing about the subsequent challenges facing Western teachers who move overseas to take up positions in postcolonial and developing nation-state contexts (Burke, 2017).However, the social reality of these teachers, especially those who are older and more experienced, has yet to be fully investigated or theorised.Our paper adds to this contribution to knowledge.
Second, the arena continues to be often viewed within a negative lens of sociological imagination.Since Mayer's (1968) seminal study, the arena has often been viewed as involving much turbulence and tension, with high levels of turnover.A rare auto-ethnographic and personalised account of one person's reality (Blyth, 2017) paints a very bleak picture of being an expatriate teacher.The fragmentation of many international schools can lead to much micro-politics (Caffyn, 2015) caused by 'issues of identity, fear and vulnerability' (Caffyn, 2010: 50).The growing arena has been identified with the phenomenon of the white-collar precariat (Bunnell, 2016), involving short-term contracts and job insecurity.This creates another paradox; how can the field be continuously growing as the basis for a seemingly attractive career, yet at the same time be often seen as precarious and insecure?This issue requires study and investigation: in particular, 'what is the social reality of working in the field, and how is it being dealt with'?To answer this question, we need to look more closely at the nature of precarity and insecurity, and identify the 'coping strategies' being adopted.
One way forward occurred to us.An issue about the social reality of working overseas in the CIS which came to our attention through interviewing a number of expatriate teachers in China (Poole, 2019) involves the formation of cliques.This became a recurring theme in interviews.One respondent, whom we gave the pseudonym Norman, openly referred to 'the clique' in the form of 'buddies', a form of nepotism.He said (all names are pseudonyms): Zed fell into the clique.Two years ago, he wanted to leave, but Chris gave him a promotion position as the head of TOK [IB Diploma Theory of Knowledge] to keep him. . . .[And] Chris brought in his friends.Patrick is a great bloke, but he was Chris' flat-mate at university.
Another one of our respondents, Tarquin, had also commented upon the prevalence of cliques in his school, although he prefers not to be part of one: I do identify different cliques in the school.But that doesn't bother me.I'm not worried about that because I don't want to be a member of any clan or clique.I'm not offended when I'm not invited to certain social events, or certain this or that.I am genuinely not offended because I'd refuse the invitation anyway.
This topic clearly warrants a closer look, as evidence of the social reality of being a teacher working overseas in China.It emerged in practice as divisive, a form of fragmentation (which seems negative), but also emerged as a form of 'coping strategy' with dealing with precarity and transition (which makes it seem positive).This nuanced point forms the basis of our paper, and the concept of cliques is explored next.

The concept of cliques
Conceptualising the clique is actually quite difficult, and there is surprisingly little theorisation of the concept.The general concept of the 'social circle' (Kadushin, 1968) is used to analyse social networks made up of groupings in workplaces such as 'peer groups' or 'coteries'.However, this umbrella term is inadequate to describe relationships that might be socially more loose.Kadushin (1968) suggests 'acquaintance groups' as a possible term.Here, the members know each other a little, but also know others; ie they have mutual friends.
Further, the term 'social circle' does not fully describe relationships that are socially tighter and more close-knit.In this regard, the term 'clique' is preferred, defined by Mokken (1979: 161) as 'a group, all members of which are in contact with each other or are friends, [and] know each other.'The 'clique' is identified as being more or less an autarchic unit, independent of other 'social circles' with its own properties and identities.Entry to the clique may be limited, whilst entry to the 'acquaintance group' is more inclusive, and less ordered.
In the context of our discussion, the term clique implies a social grouping of teachers in a school that is both transparent and distinguishable.This is different from the less visible and arguably rather sinister-sounding 'cabal', or 'inner circle', where, for example, teachers at a school overseas might belong (unknown to many others) to the same church congregation.Here instead we are referring to something that is more 'clannish', where membership implies a high degree of friendship and solidarity that is visibly contained within a distinct parameter, and may be frustrating or annoying to others who wish to join or are excluded, as evidenced by Tarquin's comment above that he is not offended by not being invited to what he dismisses as cliquey social events.
It is acknowledged that, in theory, the complex structure of the international school offers much scope for clique formation.Although the study of international schools as institutions is still in its infancy (Machin, 2019), it has been suggested (Hawkins & James, 2018) that schools in general are 'Complex, Evolving, Loosely-Linked Systems' (CELLS).Further, this innovative 'CELLS' framework is arguably even more complex in international schools (Fertig & James, 2016), where multiple boundaries exist both within the school and with external agencies (Caffyn, 2015).Boundary management can therefore become both complex and precarious.A study (Bunnell, 2021) into negative social media comments made about leaders in international schools (on website ISR.com) attempted to show that the 'loosely-linked' aspect in particular creates a situation where the school has sub-groups, all separate from each other and also distant from the leadership personnel of the school.This acts to de-personalise relationships, and offers a vacuum within which teachers can act and speak in a manner that may be vicious and spiteful.

Methodology
The need for a fresh approach We have already discussed how the social reality of the arena has often attracted a negative lens of inquiry.We believe that an alternative, fresh approach is required; one that is more nuanced and realistic.Such an approach takes a 'positive sociology' (Stebbins, 1979) stance, looking at how individuals cope and survive.This approach involves looking into the social reality of actors through examining and interrogating their daily lives; such an approach takes us towards picturing a 'sociology of being' (Glass, 1971).Rather than focusing on how teachers are affected by precarity and insecurity, we also need to know how they deal with it and cope, maybe even thrive.This way we can better make sense of the continuous growth of the arena.

The design of the study
We situated our study of expatriate teachers' experiences and perceptions of cliques in the CIS within a qualitative paradigm.More specifically, we utilised Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) as a guiding methodology.IPA aims to provide a detailed examination of personal lived experience, by 'giving voice' (Larkin et al, 2006) to the participants, aiding contextualisation and allowing greater sense-making by the researcher.IPA is especially valuable when examining topics which are complex, ambiguous and emotionally laden (Smith & Osborn, 2015), such as precarity and transition.IPA is predicated upon a phenomenological philosophy which aims to produce an account of lived experience on its own terms, rather than one imposed or prescribed by pre-existing theoretical preconceptions (Smith & Osborn, 2015).IPA's focus on making sense of lived experience on its own terms resonated with the study's aim, which was to explore different types of cliques in the CIS, how the participants perceived them, and their function as a coping strategy to deal with the social reality of working in international schools, including for instance precarity, high turnover, short-term contracts, and micro-political tension.
Data comes from a corpus of interviews with five expatriate teachers who worked in several CIS, mainly in Shanghai, and collected over a three-year period from 2017-2020.The five participants were interviewed on two occasions, with each interview lasting between 40 to 60 minutes.The first interview focused on eliciting background information, such as experiences of school, university and reasons for wanting to relocate overseas, whilst the second interview explored the participants' experiences of teaching in CIS.Interview data was transcribed and shared with the participants, who were allowed to amend the transcript by removing or adding data.This ensured the research process was collaborative (done with, rather than on, the participants), which also helped to strengthen ethical bonds.

The focus on two respondents
As noted above, the five interviews showed a strong common theme, that of cliques.We chose to focus for the purposes of this paper primarily on interviews with two of the participants in order to convey in sufficient depth their experiences of working and perceptions of (being in) cliques.
We also draw upon interview data from the remaining participants in order to add points of triangulation and to create more depth.One of the two participants, Tyron (a pseudonym) is in his late forties, from South Africa, and has taught in China for six years.The other, British-born Tarquin, is in his early fifties and has taught in international schools in the Asia-Pacific for over ten years.Both have extensive experience of working in CIS, in different parts of China, and it is this specific setting that we explore, a setting neatly summed up by Tarquin when he said of his current workplace: 'It's a bit less of an international school in the sense that there are fewer foreign students.But it certainly feels like one.It's fairly bilingual, with one or two exceptions.Some classes are a nightmare.I guess because of the mix of the teachers, it feels like an international school.And the kids -I guess it's a Chinese school, isn't it really?Sort of a Chinese posh school.The aim seems to be to churn out kids into good universities in America and the UK, and it's not a bad idea I don't think.People are willing to pay for that.' The comment above about 'feeling like an international school' is rather telling.It suggests a strong correlation with the non-traditional type of school, yet it also suggests educational standards akin to the traditional-type.
Aside from having experience of this 'new' type of international school setting, which is potentially an especially precarious arena in mainland China, the two participants were selected due to their experience and age, being what Koh (2020: 6) refers to as 'later life migrants'.Koh argues that studies on expatriate teachers (see, eg Poole, 2020a;Rey et al, 2020) have tended to focus on young(er) teachers whose youth enables them to 'tap into their youth, inexperience, and capacity (and flexibility) to be mobile as their "reserves of resilience"' (Koh, 2020: 5).By focusing on 'later life migrants' we situate our study within Koh's emerging agenda.Further, we build upon, yet also advance, the work of Savva (2015), and Bailey & Cooker (2019).

Analysis of the data
The interview data were analysed inductively, generating codes from the data rather than imposing pre-existing themes or codes onto the data (Cohen et al, 2011).Data analysis proceeded in a dialogic manner, with both researchers analysing the data separately before sharing and collating their findings.From this analysis, we identified labels to describe cliques.We also analysed portions of the interview data that had been assigned to these labels using discourse analysis in order to create greater nuance.Discourse analysis is not so much concerned with the content of interview data, but rather with how language is used in real life situations (Cameron, 2001;Gee, 2010).This approach to discourse analysis, known as 'language-in-use', is concerned with the micro dimensions of language, grammatical structures, and how these features interplay within a social context (Miles, 2012).Because discourse analysis is rooted in a phenomenological tradition which emphasises the lifeworld and social interaction (Miles, 2012), features of languagein-use, such as sentence structure, repetition, simile, and intensifiers (such as 'just' or 'really') can convey a great deal of additional information that is not explicitly stated.In a sense, discourse analysis enabled us to get behind the participants' words and to explore the often unstated purposes of their utterances and how they relate to the social reality of working in the school.It also enabled us to burrow deeper into the data and to uncover and excavate the hidden archeology of significations and meanings that the participants ascribed to their experiences of cliques.This ensured that our focus remained on the participants' lived experiences of how they perceived cliques.

Tarquin
Challenges.Much evidence emerged from Tarquin's interview of why an expatriate teacher working in a CIS in mainland China might want to become part of a clique.The hypermobility of his teaching colleagues added to the difficulty of forging relationships, especially long-term friendships.Tarquin talks about this issue in a very matter of fact, almost dismissive, manner, as if it is normal in his eyes: I feel in this kind of business, international teaching, it is very hard to have proper friends because it is so transitory.People are always coming and going -and that's the kind of existence you live.You kind of know at some point the people will move on or you will move on. . . .That's how I've come to see it.It's like mobile friendships.Some last, most don't.
The use of the term 'proper friends' by Tarquin is significant.Tarquin implies this type of friendship involves a depth of relationship, rather than merely being acquaintances ie rather than being 'ships passing in the night'.The hypermobility among teachers means that Tarquin sees five-year relationships as being 'long-term', though even then, these may lack any real depth: After City X, I just cut everything off because I was annoyed and miserable and I had some really longterm, five-year friends, you know, but I was just like 'we're done'.Indonesia, I've got a friend from Indonesia.But like I say, what do I get out of the relationship?Tarquin sees himself as having no 'real/proper' friends at the moment.His use of the rhetorical question, 'what do I get out of the relationship', suggests that Tarquin does not value very highly the kind of short-term friendships typically found in international schools as they are somewhat one-sided and do not benefit him much.By 'real' friends he seems to mean people he will still be in contact with in several years' time.Making this sort of friend does not seem feasible at present: But I also think that I am fairly friendless really in this situation.I mean not without people to talk to or socialize [with].But as I say, you know, not people you'll be seeing in 15 or 20 years' time, you know.
The social reality that emerges here is that teachers such as Tarquin may be unable, and largely unwilling, to engage in long-term friendships, making 'proper friends', and are more likely to engage in short-term socialising relationships, suggesting a form of 'friendship precarity'.
Strategies for dealing with precarity.Tarquin observes, in reality, two subsets of cliques.There is the 'department clique', consisting of teachers who have a specific role-identity within the school and stick together at this level.This might be exacerbated by the teachers sharing an office or floor of the school: There are departmental cliques.I find that the science department [is] very sort of 'oh we're the science department.'And the maths department: 'I'm a mathematician so therefore I am like this'.It's just like kindergarten.It annoys me.
This type of clique is openly divisive, and may be annoying to 'outsiders' as it is exclusive and non-penetrable from the 'outside' unlike, say, a 'smoking clique' which others can join.However even though 'smoking cliques' are less exclusive, the support they offer is largely undermined by the transitory nature of the CIS.One of our participants, Norman, recounted a new teacher called Jason who had fallen into a 'smoking clique' in order to integrate better into the school: The unfortunate thing is [that] Jason, because he smokes and he's British, he's fallen into that clique.Unless someone grabs him, he's going to be no better.You see him going off with Vince for a cigarette.You see him hanging around Larry.I hope he becomes more independent.He'll get left behind when they leave.You have to change.
The clique may offer solidarity and a sense of belonging, but being dependent on a clique is not necessarily a good long-term strategy, due to the transitory nature of international school teaching.Once the other members of the clique invariably move on, Jason may be left isolated.Just like Tarquin, Norman believes that it is better to be independent, relying on yourself, as ultimately this is what international school teaching comes down to.
Cliques also exist at a curriculum level, as evidenced by the study into teacher identity among International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme (IBDP) teachers, with their own sense of language, vocabulary, and entry rituals (Bunnell et al, 2019).Furthermore, cliques may exist on a language level.One of the expatriate teachers in our wider sample, Sophie, talked about the disadvantages of not being part of a Chinese-speaking clique in a CIS: Chinese teachers, when they know you speak Chinese, it's like you are a part of their world.They consider you as someone who can understand them.Otherwise you are just a foreigner who doesn't get anything.
Significantly, whereas in a traditional type of international school, being able to speak English or being from an Anglo-Western country might facilitate cliques, the opposite might be the case in the CIS, where non-Chinese-speaking Anglo-Western expatriates will find themselves in the minority.The word 'just' suggests that expatriate teachers' professional capital on its own is not sufficient to give them status in the CIS; they also need linguistic capital.This linguistic capital, in turn, might foster social capital.
Tarquin also observes the clique that is made up of teachers who join the school at the same time.This 'newbie' clique can be viewed also as a form of 'cohort clique', involving a mixture of teachers across the school.In this context, a teacher could also be part of a 'department' clique, which adds to the complexity of the 'loosely-linked' aspect discussed earlier.As Tarquin observes: Really the main cliques I'm thinking of are each cohort of teachers . . .And I really didn't want to socialise with anyone when I arrived because that was my thing, to save money, meditate, don't drink.So, I sort of sequestered myself from any group.And yet I know that other teachers I've talked to who were here before have said that my cohort was really in with each other.
Tarquin's brief allusion to not wanting to drink exposes a potential reality of being an expatriate in the CIS, where socialising might often go hand in hand with alcohol.A colleague of Tarquin's, Jack, ruminated: It's like living in a space station.That's part of what I'm talking about when I say that you have to be a survivor.
The hyperbolic simile of the 'space station' accentuates the isolation that some teachers can experience working overseas, especially if they live together on a campus on the edge of the city as is the case of the participants in our study.For Tarquin, not socialising becomes a strategy to avoid drinking, but it comes at the expense of a sort of self-imposed exile (metaphorically in Jack's 'space station') which makes joining the newbie clique problematic or potentially self-destructive.The only recourse is to be dependent upon only yourself, to be a 'survivor.' The benefits of joining a clique.Tarquin offers clues as to why joining a clique can be beneficial.He does not have any contact or relationship with the school Head.He clearly does not know the person at all, and the issue of being distant from the school leadership is maybe a mutual one.This distance between the expatriate teacher and the school leadership is arguably a sign of the sort of 'loosely-linked' fragmentation that may lead to friction.It also means that Tarquin needs to adopt a strategy to find persons who know him well enough to offer advice or job references since he clearly feels that he cannot expect it from the school leaders.In this instance, he might prefer to join up with peer teachers as a clique instead.Although he prefers not to, joining the 'department clique' or the 'newbie/cohort clique' might be beneficial for Tarquin, as it might support him in progressing through the ranks of the school.

Tyron
Challenges.Tyron highlights a number of challenges of working overseas in the CIS.The first is loneliness: I would definitely say that emotional difficulties are the biggest difficulty you face when working in international schools overseas: . . .missing family, missing friends, and obviously I have to perform all the time.
The difficulty of living away from his family was a recurring theme in Tyron's interviews.Unlike many expatriate teachers in the CIS who can return to their home countries, Tyron's situation was less flexible.He noted that, as a White man, he was 'unemployable in my own country [South Africa]' because of policies that sought to empower non-White groups.Tyron's situation is best described in terms of being in 'advantageous exile'.He is able to make more money than he ever could back in his home country.However, this economic surplus comes at the cost of an emotional deficit, that of being away from his family, the emotional impact of which only gets more difficult as time goes on: I'm also getting older, my kids are getting older.I'm not there for them, so I kind of feel like I'm divorced.I'm living the life of a divorced parent.My kids are on that side and they're getting older.
Another struggle with which Tyron had to contend was the daily reality of work-life in the CIS: You have to try to perform.People like me, I think they like me because I don't complain a lot and work pretty well with the kids.They kind of like me.
He is conscious of always being judged by students, other teachers and parents.Failure to provide a convincing performance could lead to termination of the contract: 'If you don't perform, they're going to send you home.'Even though Tyron considers himself to be a popular and capable teacher, the spectre of being asked to leave is never far away.This insecurity and self-doubt is conveyed through the use of hedging (using terms such as 'I think . ..' and 'kind of') and creates something of an existential threat to his self-efficacy, resulting in Tyron constantly questioning whether he is good enough.
Tyron also highlights being an 'outsider' (as a South African) as another major challenge of working in China.Being an 'outsider' was a feature of many of the interviews with our participants, as illustrated by Nora, succinctly referring to 'being on the outskirts of what's going on'.The image of being on the outskirts also resonates with Jason's image of the 'space station' mentioned earlier.For Tyron, the sense of being not only a foreigner but also an 'outsider' (culturally, socially, and politically) is very strong: I have to show my face.I think they want to look at me.I don't know if it's a racial thing.It's super irritating.They (the students) always ask me some questions.They never ask people from Canada or America any questions, but they always ask me.I don't know if they are scared of people who come from Africa.
Even though Tyron is a White Afrikaner, he still feels that he experiences discrimination because of his country of origin.What we see here is a complex configuration of expatriate identity along racial lines.Tyron may be a White male, which confers upon him some status, but because he is perceived to be from Africa he wonders if this somehow devalues his status as an expatriate.
Strategies for dealing with precarity.One strategy for dealing with the challenges faced by Tyron is to develop friendship groups.However, due to the transitory nature of teaching, these friendships are considered to be shallow in nature, made up of a few 'gym mates' who are friendly but maybe not friends: I don't really have too many Chinese friends.Maybe one or two at the gym.I do go to the gym quite a bit.And I must say they are super friendly and I don't know if they want me to talk to them so they can improve their English or they are just nice people.
Tyron is not sure if the Chinese friends he makes are genuine (or 'real' as used by Tarquin), sensing that they may be using him to improve their English.Tyron also offers some pointers as to why he struggles to make long-term friends: A disadvantage is the homesickness.The fear that if you don't perform they will ask you to go, with short notice.If you know you're going to be leaving in three months it's not a big issue.But you never really know.
The existential anxiety of the performative nature of teaching in this context may make forming friendships difficult.Tyron always has one eye on the door as he never knows if his performance will be deemed unacceptable.Homesickness is another factor that prevents Tyron from making friends: I can't wait to go home.I think it's very bad to live in the future.I don't live in the present.Every day I think about tomorrow.I don't think of now.
Tyron lives in and for an imaginary but elusive future which is forever deferred.Because he is invested in the future, Tyron does not have the inclination or energy to devote to making friendships in the present, friendships that he considers to be superficial and/or are fated to end when he invariably leaves.The sense of impending exit runs throughout Tyron's narrative.Sensing that he may be asked to leave at any moment, Tyron keeps: some money in my apartment, a couple of thousand RMB [approximately 200 British Pounds].So, if I decide to leave at short notice I can just leave.I know it sounds crazy, but I want some money just in case I do want to leave quickly.
In a sense, Tyron is stuck in a liminal space that could be likened to a car that has its engine running but the handbrake on.This could be described as a form of (im)mobility.He wants to leave, and even expects to leave if/when he is let go.Yet at the same time, he finds himself unable to move, in a condition of 'stuckness' (Creswell, 2012).Tyron's (im)mobility may be due to fears that the perception that he is an 'African' will make it more difficult for him to find a better position.
Tyron's sense of isolation was echoed by other participants, such as Jack, a 'later-career' expatriate who had been working in China for over eight years, who said that: Being an international teacher I can say with certainty that you're on your own, nobody gives a damn about you if you get sick.You're on your own.You really are. . . .We don't have the protections that we have in our home countries.I find it particularly interesting how colleague teachers are willing to just scramble on top of each other.As soon as there's an opportunity, 'get out of the way!'.
For Jack, this isolation is not the result of being separated from family, but rather in response to what he perceives as the social reality of being an expatriate teacher in the CIS.The teachers with whom Jack works may be colleagues, suggesting they are equals, but as soon as there is an opportunity (for, eg, promotion) this collegiality gives way to something more primal.This scrambling for advantage suggests that teachers are out for themselves.Ultimately, Jack paints a Darwin-esque picture of survival of the fittest, vividly conveyed in the image of his colleagues scrambling on top of each other.From Jack's perspective, cliques are of little benefit, as they will be undermined once greed rears its head.Echoing Tarquin and Norman, Jack views international school teaching as a solo venture.
Benefits of joining a clique.Because of the existential threat of being let go and the expectation that he might move on at any time, Tyron has developed a number of strategies for dealing with unpredictability: One of the . . .strategies is just to make friends with a lot of people at school.I like to stay at school quite a bit because it helps me to keep focused on my work and also I have the interaction with the other teachers.
The friendship cliques he makes also serve to distract Tyron from feelings of homesickness: I think a lot about home and my kids and my wife and everybody there.It's pretty tough on me not to think about it.When I do think about it I try to get it out of mind as quickly as possible.So that's one of the strategies that I use to try to deal with it.I try to think about something else immediately.
The clique helps him to cope with the difficulties of being effectively exiled from his family, but ultimately, it is not very deep.Tyron suggests that his friendships are quite shallow and are mainly school-focused, during the day, and not at evenings or weekends: At this stage also I have a social life but my social life is interacting with people.I don't go out a lot.I don't socialise a lot.Even though I socialise with people at work mostly, when I go home I rarely ever socialise.
Like Tarquin, Tyron also highlights the high turnover and constant transition of management as another difficulty with which he needs to contend: Micro management stays the same, but macro management -this is the fifth principal I've had in the past five years in this school.For some reason, the principals don't last that long.There's never really been consistency at our school.This helps to explain why Tyron might join a clique, maybe at department or cohort-level, as the management has never got to know him.Tyron also recounted a time when he relied on a former teacher who had left to write him a reference because he did not want the management to write one: I remember I asked a former teacher, a friend, to write me a reference after he had left.It was for another job.I couldn't ask the school.I didn't want them to know I wanted to leave.
Tyron did not want management to know he intended to leave, as this might have jeopardised his already precarious situation in the school.Even though Tyron ultimately did not get the job, he was able to utilise the social capital from the clique to potentially break out of his stalemate.
As our paper shows, there is still scope within the fragmented and contested space of the CIS for a more positive approach to precarity.This we show by focusing now on cliques as a coping strategy.

Discussion
The practicality of joining a clique Savva's (2017) study of 30 expatriate teachers concluded that their intercultural perspective changed not through immersion into the culture of the host-nation, but paradoxically by their inability to integrate into it.This implies that some expatriate teachers in the CIS might experience structural and psychological problems in moving beyond being the 'Western outsider'.Our study shows this to be true in the context of our sample from China.The situation may be exacerbated by limited contractual periods, alongside frequent transitions between schools and nation states.Our study adds a twist to this story, whereby expatriate teachers may be hesitant to integrate, either because they do not see long-term relationships as worthwhile, or because they purposefully want to remain aloof.Instead, teachers might prefer the short-term comfort of the clique, or may even act as a 'lone wolf', preferring to act alone for the short time they are in the host nation.
A major common theme in our study is that both teachers view themselves as 'outsiders', and 'isolated'.They are lonely Westerners in China, without family, language or cultural support.Joining a clique quickly becomes almost a social necessity.The 'newbie-clique' here is a practical solution, making friends with others who join the school at the same time and who are in same situation.They are all new, and vulnerable.There is no need for any depth of relationship, and they can opt out at any time.
A second common theme is the lack of contact and personal relationship with the Chinese leaders of the school.In the cases of both Tarquin and Tyron, there is a pragmatic need for teachers to have some acquaintance with peers, even it lacks long-term commitment, as they may need their support when they need to leave and may not be able to rely upon the school Head for friendly support.Others may be thinking the same about their peers.This thought process is arguably conducive to clique formation, especially of the 'department-clique' type as this is a very easy, practical model to utilise and take advantage of. is a feature of younger teachers by showing that 'later-life migrants' utilise cliques as a support network in order to build resilience.Through the example of cliques, we have shown that the social reality of working in the CIS is more like a negative-positive dialectic, with teachers developing resilience.This dialectic enables us to move beyond simply labelling experiences as either negative or positive.It also allows to capture something of the flux and flow of the social and psychological reality as it appears to individuals in the form of their subjective, lived experience, thereby giving more nuance to the lived reality of being an expatriate teacher in the CIS.